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THE LIBRARY OF THE 
UNIVERSITY OF 
NORTH CAROLINA 


THE COLLECTION OF 
NORTH CAROLINIANA 
FROM THE LIBRARY OF 
Willis Briggs 
presented by 
___Sarah Briggs Trentman 


C329 
N87r1 


ii 
This book must not 


be taken from the 
Library building. 


Republican Platform 
1908 


ee 


Adopted by the 


Republican National Convention 
at 


CHICAGO 


June 18th, 1908 


Spy y 
Se pe | 


Republican Platform—1908 


Once more the Republican Party, in National Convention as- 
sembled, submits its cause to the people. This great historic or- 
ganization, that destroyed slavery, preserved the Union, restored 
credit, expanded the national domain, established a sound finan- 
cial system, developed the industries and resources of the country, 
and gave to the nation her seat of honor in the councils of the 
world, now meets the new problems of government with the same 
courage and capacity with which it solved the old. 


Republicanism Under Roosevelt 


in this greatest era cf American advancement the Republican 
Party has reached its highest service under the leadership of 
Theodore Roosevelt. His administration is an epoch in American 
history. In no other period since national sovereignty was won 
under Washington, or preserved under Lincoln, has there been 
such mighty progress in those ideals of government which make 
for justice, equality, and fair dealing among men. The highest as- 
pirations of the American people have found a voice. Their most 
exalted servant represents the best aims and worthiest purposes 
of all his countrymen. American manhood has been lifted to a 
nobler sense of duty and obligation. Consctence and courage in 
public station and higher standards of right and wrong in private 
life have become cardinal principles of political faith; capital and 
labor have been brought into closer relations of noun atic and 
interdependence; and the abuse of wealth, the tyranny of power, 
and all the evils of privilege and favoritism have been put to scorn 
by the simple, manly virtues of justice and fair play. 

The great accomplishments of President Roosevelt have been, 
first and foremost, a brave and impartial enforcement of the law; 


4 


the prosecution of illegal trusts and monopolies; the exposure and 
punishment of evil-doers in the public service; the more effective 
regulation of the rates and service of the great transportation 
lines; the complete overthrow of preferences, rebates and discrim- 
inations; the arbitration of labor disputes ; the amelioration of the 
condition of wage-workers everywhere; the conservation of the 
natural resources of the country; the forward step in the improve- 
ment of the inland waterways, and always the earnest support and 
defense of every wholesome safeguard which has made more se- 
cure the guarantees of life, liberty and property. 

These are the achievements that will make Theodore Roosevelt 
his place in history, but more than all else the great things he has 
done will be an inspiration to those who have yet greater things to 
do. We declare our unfaltering adherence to the policies thus in- 
augurated, and pledge their continuance under a Republican ad- | 
ministration of the Government. 


Equality of Opportunity 


Under the guidance of Republican principles the American 
people have become the richest nation in the world. Our wealth — 
today exceeds that of England and all her colonies, and that of 
France and Germany combined. When the Republican Party was 
born the total wealth of the country was $16,000,000,000. It has 
leaped to $110,000,000,000 in a generation, while Great Britain 
has gathered but $60,000,000,000 in five hundred years. The 
United States now owns one-fourth of the world’s wealth and 
makes one-third of all modern manufactured products. In the 
great necessities of civilization such as coal, the motive power of 
all activity; iron, the chief basis of all industry; cotton, the staple 
foundation of all fabfics; wheat, corn and all the agricultural prod- 
ucts that feed mankind, America’s supremacy is undisputed. And 
yet her great natural wealth has been scarcely touched. We have 
a vast domain of three million square miles, literally bursting with 
latent treasure, still waiting the magic of capital and industry to be 
converted to the practical uses of mankind; a country rich in soil 
and climate, in the unharnessed energy of its rivers and in all the 
varied products of the field, the forest and the factory. With grat- 
itude for God’s pounty, with pride in the splendid productiveness | 


é 


of the past and with confidence in the plenty and prosperity of the 
future, the Republican Party declares for the principle that in the 
development and enjoyment of wealth so great and blessings so be- 
nign there shall be equal opportunity for all. 


The Revival of Business 


Nothing so clearly demonstrates the sound basis upon which 
our commercial, industrial and agricultural interests are founded, 
and the necessity of promoting their continued welfare through 
the operation of Republican policies, as the recent safe passage of 
the American people through a financial disturbance which, if ap- 
pearing in the midst of Democratic rule or the menace of it, might 
have equaled the familiar Democratic panics of the past. We con- 
geratulate the people upon this renewed evidence of American su- 
premacy and hail with confidence the signs now manifest of a com- 
plete restoration of business prosperity in all lines of trade, com- 
merce and manufacturing. 


Recent Republican Legislation 


Since the election of William McKinley in 1896 the people of 
this country have felt anew the wisdom of entrusting to the Repub- 
lican Party through decisive majorities the control and direction of 
national legislation. 

The many wise and progressive measures adopted at recent 
sessions of Congress have demonstrated the patriotic resolve of 
Republican leadership in the legislative department to keep step in 
the forward march toward better government. 

Notwithstanding the indefensible filibustering of a Democratic 
minority in the House of Representatives during the last session, 
many wholesome and progressive laws were enacted, and we es- 
pecially commend the passage of the emergency currency bill, the 
appointment of the national monetary commission, the employers’ 
and Government liability laws, the measures for the greater effi- 
-'ciency of the Army and Navy, the widow’s pension bill, the child 
labor law for the District of Columbia, the new statute for the 
safety of railroad engineers and firemen, and many other acts con- 
serving the public welfare. 


6 
Republican Pledges for the Future 
Tariff 


The Republican Party declares unequivocally for the revision 
of the tariff by a special session of Congress immediately following 
the inauguration of the next President, and commends the steps 
already taken to this end in the work assigned to the appropriate 
committees of Congress which are now investigating the operation 
and effect of existing schedules. In all tariff legislation the true 
principle of protection is best maintained by the imposition of such 
duties as will equal the difference between the cost of production at 
home and abroad, together with a reasonable profit to American 
industries. We favor the establishment of maximum and min- 
imum rates to be administered by the President under limitations 
fixed in the law, the maximum to be available to meet discrimina- 
tions by foreign countries against American goods entering their 
markets, and the minimum to represent the normal measure of 
protection at home, the aim and purpose of the Republican policy 
being not only to preserve, without excessive duties, that security 
against foreign competition to which American manufacturers, 
farmers and producers are entitled, but also to maintain the high 
standard of living of the wage-earners of this country, who are the 
most direct beneficiaries of the protective systeni. Between the 
United States and the Philippines we believe in a free interchange 
of products with such limitations as to sugar and tobacco as will 
afford adequate protection to domestic interests. 


Currency 


We approve the emergency measures adopted by the Govern- 
ment during the recent financial disturbance, and especially com- 
mend the passage by Congress at the last session of the law de- 
signed to protect the country from a repetition of such stringency. 
The Republican Party is committed to the development of a per- 
manent currency system, responding to our great needs; and the 
appointment of the National Monetary Commission by the present 
Congress, which will impartially investigate all proposed methods, 
insures the early realization of this purpose. The present currency 
laws have fully justified their adoption, but an expanding. com- 
merce, a marvelous growth in wealth and population, multiplying 


7 


the centers of distribution, increasing the demand for the move- 
ment of crops in the West and South, and entailing periodic 
changes in monetary conditions, disclose the need of a more elastic 
and adaptable system. Such a systern must meet the requirements 
of agriculturists, manufacturers, merchants and business men gen- 
erally, must be automatic in operation, minimizing the fluctuations 
in interest rates, and, above all, must be in harmony with that Re- 
publican doctrine which insists that every dollar shall be based upon 
and as good as gold. 


Postal Savings 


We favor the establishment of a postal savings bank system for 
the convenience of the people and the encouragement of thrift. 


Trusts 

The Republican Party passed the Sherman Anti-Trust law over 
Democratic opposition, and enforced it after Democratic dereliction. 
It has been a wholesome instrument for good in the hands of a wise 
and fearless administration. But experience has shown that its 
effectiveness can be strengthened and its real objects better attained 
by such amendments as will give to the Federal Government greater 
supervision and control over, and secure greater publicity in, the 
management of that class of corporations engaged in interstate com- 
merce having power and opportunity to effect monopolies. 


Railroads 


We approve the enactment of the railroad rate law and the vig- 
orous enforcement by the present administration of the statutes 
against rebates and discriminations, as a result of which the advan- 
tages formerly possessed by the large shipper over the small shipper 
have substantially disappeared; and in this connection we commend 
the appropriation by the present Congress to enable the Interstate 
Commerce Commission to thoroughly investigate and give publicity 
to the accounts of interstate railroads. We believe, however, that 
the interstate commerce law should be further amended so as to 
give railroads the right to make and publish traffic agreements sub- 
ject to the approval of the Commission, but maintaining always the 
principle of competition between naturally competing lines and 


8 


avoiding the common control of such lines by any means whatsoever. 
We favor such national legislation and supervision as will prevent 
the future overissue of stocks and bonds by interstate carriers, 


Railroad and Government Employees 


The enactment in constitutional form at the present session of 
Congress of the Employers’ Liability law, the passage and enforce- 
ment of the safety appliance statutes, as well as the additional pro- 
tection secured for engineers and firemen, the reduction in the hours 
of labor of trainmen and railroad telegraphers, the successful exer- 
cise of the powers of mediation and arbitration between interstate 
railroads and their employees, and the law making a beginning in | 
the policy of compensation for injured employees of the Govern- 
ment, are among the most commendable accomplishments of the 
present administration. But there is further work in this direction 
yet to be done, and the Republican Party pledges its continued de- 
votion to every cause that makes for safety and the betterment of 
conditions among those whose labor contributes so much to the 
progress and welfare of the country. 


Wage Earners Generally 


The same wise policy which has induced the Republican Party 
to maintain protection to American labor, to establish an eight-hour 
day in the construction of all public works, to increase the list of 
employees who shall have preferred claims for wages under the: 
bankruptcy laws, to adopt a child labor statute for the District of 
Columbia, to direct an investigation into the condition of working 
women and children, and, later, of employees of telephone and tele- 
graph companies engaged in interstate business to appropriate $150,- 
000 at the recent session of Congress in order to secure a thorough 
inquiry into the causes of catastrophes and loss of life in the mines 
and to amend and strengthen the law prohibiting the importation 
of contract labor, will be pursued in every legitimate direction within 
Federal authority to lighten the burdens and increase the opportunity 
for happiness and advancement of ali who toil. The Republican 
Party recognizes the special needs of wage workers generally, for 
their well being means the well being of all. But more important than 
all other considerations is that of good citizenship, and we especially 


9 


stand for the needs of every American, whatever his occupation, in 
his capacity as a self-respecting citizen. 


Court Procedure 


The Republican Party will uphold at all times the authority and 
integrity of the courts, State and Federal, and will ever insist that 
their powers to enforce their process and to protect life, liberty and 
property .shall be preserved inviolate. We believe, however, that 
the rules of procedure in the Federal Courts with respect to the issu- 
ance of the writ of injunction should be more accurately defined by 
statute, and that no injunction or temporary restraining order should 
be issued without notice, except where irreparable injury would re- 
sult from delay, in which case a speedy hearing thereafter should be 
granted. 


The American Farmer 


Among those whose welfare is as vital to the welfare of the 
whole country as that of the wage earner is the American farmer. 
The prosperity of the country rests peculiarly upon the prosperity of 
agriculture. The Republican Party during the last twelve years has 
accomplished extraordinary work in bringing the resources of the 
National Government to the aid of the farmer, not only in advancing 
agriculture itself, but in increasing the conveniences of rural life. 
Free rural mail delivery has been established: it now reaches mil- 
lions of our citizens, and we favor its extension until every com- 
munity in the land receives the full benefits of the postal service. 
We recognize the social and economical advantages of good country 
roads, maintained more and more largely at public expense, and less 
and less at the expense of the abutting owner. In this work we com- 
mend the growing practice of State aid, and we approve the efforts 
of the National Agricultural Department by experiments and other- 
wise to make clear to the public the best methods of road construc- 
tion. 


Rights of the Negro 


The Republican Party has been for more than fifty years the con- 
sistent friend of the American negro, It gave him freedom and citi- 


YO 


zenship. It wrote into the organic law the declarations that proclaim 
his civil and political rights, and it believes to-day that his note- 
worthy progress in intelligence, industry and good citizenship has 
earned the respect and encouragement of the nation. We demand 
equal justice for all men, without regard to race or color; we declare 
once more, and without reservation, for the enforcement in letter and 
spirit of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to 
the Constitution, which were designed for the protection and ad- 
-yancement of the negro, and we condemn all devices that have for 
their real aim his disfranchisement for reasons of color alone ‘as 
unfair, un-American and repugnant to the supreme law of the land. 


Naturai Resources and Waterways 


We indorse the movement inaugurated by the administration for 
the conservation of natural resources; we approve all measures to. 
prevent the waste of timber; we commend the work now going on 
for the reclamation of arid lands, and reaffirm the Republican policy 
of the free distribution of the available areas of the public domain 
to the landless settler. No obligation of the future is more insistent 
and none will result in greater blessings to posterity, In line with 
this splendid undertaking is the further duty, equally imperative, to 
enter upon a systematic improvement upon a large and comprehen- 
sive plan, just to all portions of the country, of the waterways, har- 
bors, and great lakes, whose natural adaptability to the increasing 
traffic of the land is one of the greatest gifts of a benign Providence, - 


The Army and Navy 


The Sixtieth Congress passed many commendable acts increasing 
the efficiency of the Army and Navy, making the militia of the States 
an integral part of the national establishment, authorizing joint 
maneuvers of army and militia, fortifying new naval bases and com- 
pleting the construction of coaling stations, instituting a female 
nurse corps for naval hospitals and ships, and adding two new battle- 
ships, ten torpedo boat destroyers, three steam. colliers, and eight 
submarines to the strength of the Navy. Although at peace with 
all the world, and secure in the consciousness that the American 
peopie do not desire and will not provoke a war with any other 
country, we nevertheless declare our unalterable devotion to a policy 


Ii 


that will keep this Republic ready at all times to defend her tradi- 
tional doctrines, and assure her appropriate part in promoting perma- 
nent tranquillity among the nations. 


Protection of American Citizens Abroad 


We commend the vigorous efforts made by the Administration 
to protect American citizens in foreign lands, and pledge ourselves 
to insist upon the just and equal protection of ail our citizens abroad. 
It is the unquestioned duty of the Government to procure for all our 
citizens, without distinction, the rights to travel and sojourn in 
friendly countries, and we declare ourselves in favor of all proper 
efforts tending to that end. 


Extension of Foreign Commerce 


Under the administration of the Republican Party the foreign 
commerce of the United States has experienced a remarkable growth 
until it has a present annual valuation of approximately three billions 
of dollars, and gives employment to a vast amount of labor and 
capital which would otherwise be idle. It has inaugurated, through 
the recent visit of the Secretary of State to South America and 
Mexico, a new era of Pan-American commerce and comity, which 
is bringing us into closer touch with our twenty sister American 
republics, having a common historical heritage, a Republican form 
of government, and offering us a limitless field of legitimate commer- 
cial expansion. 3 


Arbitration and The Hague Treaties 


The conspicuous contributions of American statesmanship to the 
great cause of international peace, so signally advanced in The 
Hague conferences, are an occasion for just pride and gratification. 
At the last session of the Senate of the United States, eleven Hague 
conventions were ratified, establishing the rights of neutrals, laws 
of war on land, restriction of submarine mines, limiting the use of 
force for the collection of contractual debts, governing the opening 
of hostilities, extending the application of Geneva principles, and, in 
many ways lessening the evils of war and promoting the peaceful 
settlement of international controversies. At the same session 
twelve arbitration conventions with great nations were confirmed, 


be 


and extradition, boundary and naturalization treaties of supreme im- 
portance were ratified. We indorse such achievements as the high- 
est duty a people can perform and proclaim the. obligation of further © 
strengthening the bonds of friendship and good will with all nations 
of the world. 


Merchant Marine 


We adhere to the Republican doctrine of encouragement to 
American shipping and urge such legislation as will revive the mer- 
chant marine prestige of the country, so essential to national defense, 
the enlargement of foreign trade and the industrial prosperity of our. 
own people. 


Veterans of the Wars 


Another Republican policy which must be ever maintained is that 
of generous provision for those who have fought the country’s 
battles and for the widows and orphans of those who. have fallen. 
We commend the increase in the widows’ pensions made by the 
present Congress, and declare for a liberal administration of all pen- 
sion laws, to the end that the people’s gratitude may grow deeper as 
the memories of heroic sacrifice grow more sacred with the passing 
years. 


Civil Service 


We reafirm our former declaration that the civil service laws, — 
enacted, extended and enforced by the Republican Party, shall con- 
tinue to be maintained and obeyed. 


Public Health 


We commend the efforts designed to secure greater efficiency in 
National public health agencies, and favor such legislation as will 
effect this purpose. 


Bureau of Mines and Mining 


In the interest of the great mineral industries of our country, we 
earnestly favor the establishment of a Bureau of Mines and Mining. 


13 
Cuba, Porto Rico, Philippines and Panama 


The American Government, in Republican hands, has freed Cuba, 
giving peace and protection to Porto Rico and the Philippines under 
our flag, and begun the construction of the Panama Canal. ‘The 
present conditions in Cuba vindicate the wisdom of maintaining be- 
tween that Republic and this imperishable bonds of mutual interest, 
and the hope is now expressed that the Cuban people will soon again 
be ready to assume complete sovereignty over their land. 

In Porto Rico the Government of the United States is meeting 
loyal and patriotic support; order and prosperity prevail, and the 
well being of the people is in every respect promoted and conserved. 

We believe that the native inhabitants of Porto Rico should be 
at once collectively made citizens of the United States, and that all 
others properly qualified under existing laws residing in said island 
should have the privilege of becoming naturalized. 

In the Philippines insurrection has been suppressed, law estab- 
lished and life and property made secure. Education and practical 
experience are there advancing the capacity of the people for gov- 
ernment, and the policies of McKinley and Roosevelt are leading the 
inhabitants step by step to an ever-increasing measure of home rule. 

Time has justified the selection of the Panama route for the great 
Isthmian Canal, and the events have shown the wisdom of securing 
authority over the zone through which it is to be built. The work is 
now progressing with a rapidity far beyond expectation, and already 
the realization of the hopes of centuries has come within the vision 
of the near future. 


New Mexico and Arizona 


We favor the immediate admission of the Territories of New 
Mexico and Arizona as separate States in the Union. 


Centenary of the Birth of Lincoln 


February 12, 1909, will be the one hundredth anniversary of the 
birth of Abraham Lincoln, an immortal spirit whose fame has bright- 
ened with the receding years, and whose name stands among the 
first of those given to the world by the great Republic. We recom- 
mend that this centennial anniversary be celebrated throughout the 
confines of the nation by all the people thereof, and especially by the 


i4 
public schools, as an exercise to stir the patriotism of the youth of 
the land. | 3 


Democratic Incapacity for Government 


We call the attention of the American people to the fact that 
none of the great measures here advocated by the Republican Party 
could be enacted, and none of the steps forward here proposed could 
be taken, under a Democratic administration or under one in which 
party responsibility is divided. The continuance of present policies, 
therefore, absolutely requires the continuance in power of that party - 
which believes in them and which possesses the capacity to put them 
into operation. 


* 


Fundamental Differences Between Democracy and 
Republicanism 


Beyond ail platform declarations there are fundamental dif- 
ferences between the Republican Party and its chief opponent which 
makes the one worthy and the other unworthy of public trust. 

In history the difference between Democracy and Republicanism 
is that the one stood for debased currency, the other for honest cur- © 
rency; the one for free silver, the other for sound money; the one 
for free trade, the other for protection; the one for the contraction 
of American influence, the other for its expansion; the one has been 
forced to abandon every position taken on the great issues before the 
people, the other has held and vindicated all. 

In experience, the difference between Democracy and Repub- 
licanism is that one means adversity, while the other means prosper- 
ity; one means low wages, the other means high; one means doubt 
and debt, the other means confidence and thrift. 

In principle, the difference between Democracy and Republican- 
ism is that one stands for vacillation and timidity in government, the 
other for strength and purpose; one promises, the other performs ; 
one finds fault, the other finds work. 

The present tendencies of the two parties are even more marked 
by inherent differences. The trend of Democracy is toward social- 
ism, while the Republican Party stands for a wise and regulated in- 
dividualism. Socialism would destroy wealth. Republicanism would 


15 


‘prevent its abuse. Socialism would give to each an equal right to 
take; Republicanism would give to each an equal right to earn. 
Socialism would offer an equality cf possession which would soon 
leave no one anything to possess ; Republicanism would give equality 
of opportunity which would assure to each his share of a constantly 
increasing sum of possessions. In line with this tendency the Demo- 
cratic party of to-day believes in government ownership, while the 
Republican Party believes in Government regulation. Ultimately 
Democracy would have the nation own the people, while Republi- 
canism would have the people own the nation. 

Upon this platform of principles and purposes, reaffirming our 
adherence to every Republican doctrine proclaimed since the birth of 
the party, we go before the country asking the support not only of 
those who have acted with us heretofore, but of all our fellow citi- 
zens who, regardless of past political differences, unite in the desire 
to maintain the policies, perpetuate the blessings and make secure the 
achievements of a greater America. 


PLATFORM 

Pot he Republican Party of North 
= Carolina, Adopted in State. ~ 
Convention at Charlotte 


August 26, 1908 


_ **We, Republicans of North Carolina, in Convention assembled, 
~eommend the wisdom of the National Republican Convention, and 
congratulate the people of the United States on the nomination of 
William H. Taft for the Presidency of this great republic, and we 
endorse the principles and policies of the Republican Party as enun- 
ciated in its platform at Chicago, June 16th, 1908; and as carried out 
by the administration of Theo. Roosevelt. 
a ‘We appeal to the people of North Carolina to set the welfare of 
- our state above party and above prejudice; to exercise their freedom 
to vote according to the dictates of conscience ; and to choose those men 
for public office whom they deem best fitted to serve the public interest. 
We ask the people to consider whether they will best promote the 
welfare of the state by committing it’s affairs to the radical faction 
now in control of the Democratic Party or by voting for the candidates 
and policies we offer. 

‘¢We ask all thoughtful North Carolinians to consider particularly — 
whether the present Democratic Governor and Legislature have dealt 
wisely or justly with all classes of our citizens in the laws they have 
recently passed concerning railroads, and the violent measures they — 
have taken to give these laws effect. We believe in regulating rail- 
_roads and other public carriers strictly and carefully, and in compell- 
_ing all corporations to obey the law as faithfully as the humblest 


“private citizen. But we do not believe that Legislatures are competent 


to fix absolutely the precise rates at which passengers and freight 
shall be carried. We are sure that the Legislature of this state, which 
attempted to fix passenger rates absolutely, and neglected freight 
_ rates—much the more substantial grievance of our people—had neither: 
the special knowledge nor the right spirit for such an undertaking. : 
_ **™hey disregarded the Constitution of the United States; and they iS 
po threw thousands of North Carolinians out of employment. a 


for attack of the Democrats on capital, culminating in the fight on ou 


We ahs in aden taeatl espn on ces and ‘ancallec 


railroads involving the state, as it did, in costly litigation; paralyz : 
business, drove millions of capital from the state, a sent railroad 
securities down to less than half their value. ag 


‘We pledge ourselves if the people entrust us win power, to set 
ourselves against two’kinds of injustice: the injustice which permits — 
wealthy corporations and individuals to prey upon the poor, and the — 
injustice which sacrifices property and deranges business in order a . 
cheap demagogues may get or keep office. 


‘‘We favor the policy of the state furnishing, free of chavs itd hi 
under proper regulations, to every child in the public schools all — 
necessary text books ; the further improvement and extension, at what- — 
ever cost, of the public school system, embodied in the constitution of | 
North Carolina by the Republican Party. We favor the education of 
all our children up to the very limit. of our available means. 

‘‘We favor also a liberal policy with our higher institutions. of 
learning. The South needs highly trained men, and we would have ~ 
the necessary training provided here, so far as we have the means, and 
put within the reach of our young men of talent and industry, to the — 
end that North Carolinians may guide our people in the development 
of our resources in government, in business, in the beautifying of our 
towns, our cities, and our homes, and in the elevation of our daily life. 

‘“This is true also of our institutions of charity, particularly the 
provision made for the blind, the deaf and the insane, for the efficiency 
with which any community ministers to such unfortunate human beings 
is a measure of its civilization. It is equally true of our Confederate 
veterans who have not the means of self-support; the state loves and — 
honors them, and they must not be permitted to suffer want. We 
denounce the Democratic Party for not keeping its repeated pledges 
to provide our Confederate soldiers and their widows with suitable 
pensions commensurate with their services to the state, and we pledge . 
ourselves to double the pensions now given by the state, to these classes. 


‘“We demand a fair election law, which will permit an elector to 


east a ballot privately, without interference or dictation. 


, ‘“We favor, as we have ever favored, local self-government, and 
demand the right to elect by direct vote of the people all members of 
-the County Boards of Education, County Superintendents of Public 
Instruction, County ieaninineioners’ and Tax Collectors, and Justices 

of the Peace. 


“We favor an extension and ieeploveanmnt of the public roads of | 
the state, and believe that the employment of the state’s convicts on 
uch work is the best use that can be made of criminals convicted of 
erimes ; we further favor a law prohibiting the use of striped uniforms 
upon all persons convicted of misdemeanors in the courts of North 
~ Carolina. 


a 


f vor a separate Seances for females convicted of similar ‘offenses. 
eS ‘ x Wwe epeuge ourselves to a liberal ae plies for the care and © 


vorth of personal property owned by each householder in the state af 
North Carolina. 

/ “We believe in the dignity of labor and the elevation of the wage 
_ earner, and pledge our party to the enactment of such laws as will | 

best promote this end ; we believe that labor and capital are co-ordinate | 

ranches of our industrial life—each necessary to the other—that— 

either can prosper without the other, and looking to this end we pledge 
our party to the enactment of such laws as will, so far as possible, 
_ ereate the kindliest feeling between labor and capital, remove all causes 
_ for conflict between the two, and promote the upbuilding of both classes. 

_ “*We favor restricting emigration rigidly, admitting none but the 
better class to our shores, and protecting American labor against 
_ foreign cheap labor. 

_ ““We believe the South ahonid no longer hold itself politically 

_ separate and apart from the rest of the country. We believe the time 
has come when no interest or principle any longer demands such isola- 
s; tion. We ask the people of North Carolina to give us their suffrages, 
= not merely because the Democratic Party, under its present leadership, 
. both in the state and in the nation, is unfit for power; not merely 
_ beeause the candidates we here nominate, and the policies we recom- 
a mend, are worthy of acceptance, but because every republican vote 
- cast in the South is a vote for freedom, a vote for the right of our 
- F- _ children to enter fully into the life of the great republic which our 
fathers labored and fought and suffered to establish.’’ 


z en 


MR. COX’S SPEECH 


_. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: | 
he I recognize it is a great honor to be Governor of the great State — 
Be of North Carolina. I appreciate the fact that it is a oreat honor to 
oe be considered and to be nominated for this high office by a great con- 
vention like this, representing as it does one hundred thousand or more 
4 white Republicans, mostly native born; and as good men as ever trod 
_ shoeleather or belonged to any political party anywhere. 
i My friends, you well know I have not sought this honor, but have 
repeatedly said that I could not stand for it, or in any sense be eon- 
sidered a candidate. My business interests and the interests of othiers 
under my care, fully occupy my time and attention : 
But when a man is drafted, as it were, by such a magnificent assem- _ 
ee pinee oh ES a North Carolinians, what can he do but accept. S 


— 


ae _ For Secretary of State.—Dr. Cyrus Thompson, of Onslow. 
2 For Attorney-General.—Jake I’. Newell, of Mecklenburg. 


-. For Commissioner of Labor and Printing. =O) NE Ray, of Mecklenburg. 


S ae Bees me more Heaps: than. fig ‘other, nde which ap 
~ strongly to me, and which has had largely to do with my decisic n 
- that is the presence of so many intelligent, stalwart young mer 
_ have enlisted under the Republican standard. This ee : 
a brighter day for the Republican Party in North Carolina. SE 


that in my case this campaign will be a quiet one, conduete 
dignified manner. It-will be on a high plane, and an appeal 1 m de to. 
the reason and intelligence and not to the prejudices of our pe ; 
I shall later, in a more formal way, make known my views upon LOSE 
issues in which our people are so vitally interested. | 


1908, says: ‘‘We demand the immediate repeal of the tariff on ae 
: _ print. paper, lumber, timber, logs, and that these articles be Place 3 
upon the free list.’’ a 
This declaration carried into effect would, at one blow, destroy. th 
growing lumber interests of North Carolina, east and west, by giving» 
an open market to the vast forests of Canada and British Columb: 
lying just on our borders. | ae 


Republican State Ticket 


For Lieutenant-Governor.—Charles French Toms, of Henderson. 


For Auditor.—J. Q. A. Wood, of Pasquotank. ee: 
For Treasurer.—W. E. Grigg, of Lincoln. 2 ae 
_ For Superintendent of Public Instruction.—The Rey. J. M. Llyerly, of Rowan. 


_ For Commissioner of Agriculture.—J. M. Mewbor ne, of Lenoir. 
_ For Corporation Commissioner.—Harry G. Elmore. 
For Insurance Commissioner.—J. B. Norris, of Wilkes. 


= 


For Blectors at Large.—A. A. Whitener, of Catawba, and Thomas Settle of 
Buncombe. 


, i | Hon. J. Elwood Cox 


bd Manufacturer 


i. Candidate For 
Governor of North Garolina 


Nomination Made a Matter of Impartial 
and Favorable Comment by Press 


and People. 


HE republican state convention when it met at Charlotte 
selected a ticket composed of representative citizens. The 
nominee for Governor, Hon. J. Elwood Cox, the High Point 
Manufacturer, when solicited by his many friends through- 

out the state to accept the nomination, refused at first to allow his 
name to go before the convention. Mr. Cox is essentially a business 
man and knows nothing of what is called ‘‘the game’’ of politics. 
He thanked his friends, but firmly refused them consideration of his 
name. Finally the demand from throughout the state became so 
insistent—democrats, manufacturers, business men, railway employes, 
all kinds of citizens, regardless of party affiliations, demanded that 
Mr. Cox accept the nomination, or, rather, stand for nomination, 
and feeling that it was as though his country called, and viewing 
it in the light of Patriotism, finally told his friends that they might 
present his name. That this pamphlet may not mislead the follow- 


ing telegraph story from the Convention Hall to a morning paper 


in North Carolina tells best what followed: 


Charlotte, N. C., Aug. 27.—After naming a strong ticket and 
adopting the platform the state Republican convention closed its 
sessions this afternoon. The feature of the day was the unanimous 
nomination of J. Elwood Cox, of High Point, Guilford County, for 
Governor amid one of the wildest scenes of the convention. 


When a motion was carried that the convention proceed to nomi- 
nate candidates, James J. Britt, in a speech of ringing eloquence, 
placed the name of Cox before the convention. When he had con- 
eluded there was stretched across the hall in front of the paltform 
a large banner bearing in the center in big letters the name ‘‘J. 
Elwoéd Cox.’’?’ On one end were the words, ‘‘safe and conserva- 
tive,’’ and on the other, ‘‘Our Next Governor.’’ The house went 
wild and a demonstration lasting fifteen minutes followed. Del- 


egates sprang to their feet and shouted ‘at the top of their voices, © 


while they marched around through the hall waving flags, red, white 
and blue parasols, banners, umbrellas and hats. The demonstration 
was akin to that of last night, except it did not last so long. 


The nomination of Cox came as a surprise to most of the dele- 
gates. It was stated last night by his friends that he had positively 


declined to permit his name being placed before the convention. A 


few men who are more concerned about the prosperity of the state. 


than about the success of any political measures, induced Mr. Cox 


to agree to accept the nomination. Mr. Britt and ex-Congressman — 


Linney, who were being urged for the nomination, agreed to sup- 
port Cox. The friends of Dr. Cyrus Thompson held out until it was 


learned that Dr. Thompson would not be present. They all joined _ 
in for Cox and his nomination was unanimous, by acclamation with — 


a rising vote. 
The other places on the ticket are filled with able men who will 


make strong running mates for Mr. Cox, and add much to the party’s _ 
chances in the state this year. Every section of the state is fairly — 
and liberally represented on the ticket. The harmony and deep— 


interest which have characterized the convention augur well for the 
party in the coming campaign. Ail who attended the convention 
unite in saying the ticket is one of the most attractive ever put out 
by a political organization in the state. ) 


The platform, too, is a subject of considerable favorable comment. 


It covers all of the issues that should properly be covered by a 


state platform and the leaders, as well as that class generally known 
_ as the rank and file, concur that the party has taken a strong stand — 
on most questions that confront the people of the state at this time. 


3 

It was indeed, a demonstration, such a one as would have made 
any man feel proud. It was not a ‘‘cut and dried’’ programme 
and an arrangement to ‘‘go wild’’ for so many minutes as was the 
case in the democratic convention. Mr. Cox was supposed to be out 
of the race. He was supposed to have finally determined the mat- 
ter and the people were certain that either Thompson, Linney or 
Britt would be the nominee. So when it happened that Mr. Britt 
with a strong following in the west came to the paltform and placed 
Mr. Cox in nomination and that nomination was made unanimous— 
the cheers and demonstration were real, they were the expressions 
of hearts filled with patriotism—the hope of selecting in North 
Carolina a business man for Governor; a safe, conservative and 
splendidly equipped citizen proposing to accept in response to de- 
mands from men of all parties was a real reason why there should 
be exultations and rejoicings. 

After being unanimously nominated Mr. Cox was sent for and 
came to the platform and instead of delivering a yard long oration 
of hot air and bombast, in a few well chosen, decisive business like 
words, just like the man, he retired amid another outburst of un- 
restrained applause. 


The speech was as follows: 


“*Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: 

“‘T recognize it is a great honor to be Governor of the great 
State of North Carolina. I appreciate the fact that it is a great 
honor to be considered and to be nominated for this high office by a 
great convention like this, representing as it does one hundred 
thousand or more white Republicans, mostly native born, and as good 
men a8 ever trod shoeleather or belonged to any political party any- 
where. 

‘My friends, you well know I have not sought this honor, but 
have repeatedly said that I could not stand for it, or in any sense 
be considered a candidate. My business interests and the interests 
of others under my care, fully occupy my time and attention. 

- “*But when a man is drafted, as it were, by such a magnificent 
assemblage of representative North Carolinians, what can he do but 
accept. 

““T desire to emphasize one feature of this great convention, which 
has impressed me more perhaps than any other, and which appeals 
strongly to me, and which has had largely to do with my decision, 
and that is the presence of so many intelligent, stalwart young men, 
who have enlisted under the Republican standard. This emphati- 
cally means a brighter day for the Republican Party in North 
Carolina. I thank you gentlemen, for this high honor. You must 
understand, however, that in my case this campaign will be a quiet 
one, conducted in a dignified manner. It will be on a high plane 
and an appeal made to the reason and intelligence and not to the 
prejudices of our people. I shall later, in a more formal way, make 
known my views upon those issues in which our people are so vi- 
tally interested.’’ 


After the Convention was over, after Charlotte had been deserted 
by the republicans, Mr. Cox journeyed home the next day-——arriving 
at High Point. about the noon hour. Here was where a testimonial 
was offered that must disarm those who would villify; that at once 
appears as a letter of recommendation where Mr. Cox is not known; 
a testimonial to his moral worth and his splendid character that 
represented what gold could not purchase—what nothing but a life 
worthy and stainless could have evoked. That this pamphlet may 
not exaggerate the truth of history copied here is the report of a 


4 


demonstration of High Point citizens which tells a story that must 
have made Mr. Cox feel splendid pride in knowing that his neighbors 
regarded him so highly. The High Point Enterprise, a democratic 
paper, contained this story under the following heading set two col- 
umns wide: ‘‘Whistles and Humanity Shout a Cordial Welcome.’’ 
‘¢J. Elwood Cox, the republican nominee for Governor, Given a Big 
Demonstration by His Home People, Irrespective of Party A/ffilia- 
tion.’’ 

Not since the visit of President Roosevelt and Mr. William J. 
Bryan to High Point has there been such a demonstration as that 
given to our townsman, Mr. J. Elwood Cox, on his return to-day from 
the Republican State Convention, which named him as its nominee 
for Governor. The people of all political parties turned out to 
acknowledge an honor which had been bestowed on one of our fel- 
low citizens. The crowd was a vast one variously estimated from 
5,000 to 7,000 people. 

Messrs. F. N. Tate and A. B. Horney, managers, had everything in 
readiness and when the train pulled in at 12 o’clock all of the whis- 
tles began to blow. The people rushed around the station while the 
High Point Band rendered patriotic airs. 

Two large furniture wagons had been draped in the national colors 
in which were committees from the city and prominent visitors from 
nearby towns. Mr. Cox was ushered through the crowd and put 
aboard one of these wagons. The wagons were pulled down in front 
of Amos Furniture store on the public square where the exercises 
were held. 

Mr. F. N. Tate, manager, introduced Mr. J. Ed. Kirkman, acting 
mayor, who welcomed the people of High Point in an appropriate and 
well timed speech. He congratulated the Republican party on nomi- 
nating such a man as Mr. Cox as their standard bearer, saying that 
he was one of the noblest sons of the State. Mayor Kirkman in con- 
clusion, introduced Mr. C. F. Tomlinson, who said: 

‘‘High Point is a remarkable city. For many years she has 
stood first in education, first in civic morality, first in manufacturing, 
first in local pride and progressive activity. 

‘‘It seems that there is only one thing our people have failed to 
demand for their very own, and that is high political preferment. 
Our modesty has made it necessary for representative people from 
the State at large to remind us that the time had come for us to fur- 
nish a candidate for Governor. 

To-day the Governor is with us. Some overzealous friends may say 
let him ever remain in our midst, while others may insist that he go 
further East. 

‘This is not a matter for us to determine to-day. Our purpose as 
fellow citizens is to welcome the Governor to High Point, to give 
him the glad hand and apprise him of the fact that he is High Point’s 
candidate, and that if the people choose him, his fellow citizens of 
High Point wall have no fears as to the manner in which he will con- 
duct the high office to which his party has called him. 

‘‘While it is not recorded that the principles of Quakerism speci- 
fically encourage a member to aspire to the position of commander 
in chief of the State militia, but when the call comes without seek- 
ing and from a great political party, there is no precedent to suggest 
that the call go unheeded. 

‘‘Again Mr. Cox, High Point weleomes you as an honorable and 
trusted citizen, who has always been identified with the progress of 
the city, and we now beg to inquire if you accept the nomination, 
along with our hearty congratulations and good wishes. 

‘*Mr. Cox was greeted with loud cheers when he arose. He said: 

‘«My friends, I heartily thank you for this appreciation of an 
henor that has come unsought to me. This manifestation is non-po- 
litical, of course, and I would not have it otherwise. Any honor that 
comes to me will be shared by High Point, and the people before 
whom I have gone in and out for more than 25 years. Our interests 


5) 


here are so interwoven that what affects one affects all of us. I can’t 
tell you how much I appreciate this demonstration and your friend- 
ship and confidence. ’’ 

‘‘Mr. W. P. Ragan was called on and made a’ vigorous speech, com- 
plimenting the town on such broadminded demonstration. He spoke 
of the demonstration given Mr. Cox at Charlotte. 

Hon. Zeb Vance Walser, of Lexington, was called out and made a 
delightful speech praising High Point and eulogizing Mr. Cox. Mr. 
Walser is always gladly heard in High Point. Rev. W. H. Roach 
and Col. J. P. Leach also made short addresses. 

‘‘The crowd was good natured and listened attentively to the 
speakers imbibing the true spirit of the occasion as intended. 

‘“‘There is no town in the South can do a thing better than High 
Point when it puts its shoulders to the wheel. 

At the conclusion of the exercises the committee accompanied Mr. 
Cox to his home. 

Committees:—J. Ed. Kirkman, acting as mayor; A. E. Tate, man- 
ufacturers’ club; T. J. Gold, chamber of commerce; W. T. Kirkman, 
merchant; W. H. Ragan, school board; Dr. D. A. Stanton, physician; 
J. J. Farriss, press; W. H. Roach, labor; C. H. Sexton, labor. 

Citizens Committee:—Dr. W. G. Bradshaw, Ed. Freeze, F. M. 
Pickett, George Montgomery, J. W. Harris, E. H. Farriss, J. Wi. Se- 
chregt, A. J. Dodemead, J. J. Hayworth, D. 8. Gurley, W. T. Parker, 
R. A. Wheeler, Ed. L. Ragan, D. L. Clark and W. P. Ragan. 

Managers:—A. B. Horney and F. N. Tate. 

The large crowd which greeted Mr. Cox to-day was one of the best 
natured ones we have ever known. Every one was in gay spirits. 
As Mr. Cox himself said in his speech, he understood that the wel- 
come was a non-political one and would not have had it otherwise. 
It was all a royal welcome and one which was desired. It was an 
honor to our distinguished citizens and a credit to our city. High 
Point knows how to do the good thing. This occasion was no excep- 
tion. The whole town came together to greet him without regard 
to party affiliations. It was a happy throng, one in keeping with the 
times and the public spirit of our citizens. 


PRESS COMMENTS IRRESPECTIVE OF POLITICS 


After the ‘‘smoke had cleared away’’ the press of North Carolina 
took notice. It did not expect that a business man would be chosen; 
it inferred that because the democratic party had ruthlessly cast 
aside a business man and an old soldier, a gentleman deserving and 
capable, and took a life long politician and office holder for its stan- 
dard bearer, the republican party would commit the same folly 

But when it saw that Mr. Cox had been nominated and that he had 
accepted, there was, with but a few single exceptions, spontaneity 
on the part of the press, democratic, independent and republican voie- 
ing the one central idea that Elwood Cox was a strong candidate, 
a clean man, a good citizen and a gafe and a conservative business 
man. It would be impossible in this pamphlet to attempt reproduc- 
tion of all the many kind notices appearing after the convention and 
yet appearing, but in order to give an idea of what was said here are 
reprinted a few of those notices which please the friends of Mr. Cox 
‘and which disarm his political enemies. 

The Charlotte Observer had this to say the day after the nomina- 
tion for Governor: 


‘‘There is nothing to be said against the ticket that the republi- 
cans nominated in this town yesterday. 

‘‘Mr. J. Elwood Cox, their nominee for governor, a Quaker and a 
gentleman, is in all points of dignity and character the equal of any 


6 


man in the State. The Republican party of North Carolina is to be 
congratulated that it is able to put such a man at the head of its 
ticket. Personally he is as pure as pure can be, and politically he has 
never had a prompting that did not look to the welfare of North 
Carolina. An able and successful man, if he should chance to be elec- 
ted, the interests of the State would be entirely safe in his hands. 

‘¢Mr. Cox’s associates on the ticket aré, like himself, worthy North 
Carolinians. We have arrived at that condition in our. politics 
where no party dares to offer for office a candidate who can be sue- 
eessfully attacked. Without intending to vote for a man on their 
ticket, we still want to congratulate our Republican friends upon 
offering to the electorate so fine a lot of gentlemen *..*..*..*..* 

‘¢A word in econelusion. Charlotte was very much delighted to 
have these Republicans as guests. Candor and good manners impel 
us to say that the convention leaves upon the people of this town 
an exceedingly favorable impression. It was strong, both in num- 
bers and in personnel; it looked and acted a part decidedly confusing 
to people who have long held, without thought of occasion for change, 
certain ideas about southern Republicanism. There can be no doubt 
that its equal has never before represented the Republican party of 
North Carolina. It is a matter of regret that stress of storm de- 
tained so many who would otherwise have come. It is hoped that 
those who were here enjoyed their coming, and it is hoped fuyther 
that their impressions are so good that they will want to come again.’’ 

The next day the Observer again said:— 

‘<The Observer desires to repeat what it said yesterday—that the 
personnel of this Republican convention was very fine that those 
people are good North Carolinians and have only the welfare of the 
State at heart. It may be going out of the way to say so, but we 


cannot help saying again that their candidate for Governor is as fine . 


a man as we have—to repeat ourselves, a Quaker and a gentleman.’’ 


‘*A Quaker and a gentleman’’—‘‘as pure as pure can be’’; ‘‘in all 
points of dignity and character the equal of any man in the State’’ 
—strong and convincing propositions those from a strong and honest 
democratic editor. But that is the history written and it is worthy 
of preservation. 


The Charlotte Chronicle, also a democratic paper, had this to say - 


concerning the ticket and Mr. Cox: 


‘“The Republicans of North Carolina have put up a ticket that will 
interest the Democrats and that will call for the best fight that the 
Democracy can put up against it. This, by way of stating a plain 
fact. Mr. J. Elwood Cox, the nominee for Governor, is a manufac- 
turer, an industrial promoter, a town builder, a Republican from prin- 
cipal, a prohibitionist in belief and practice, and above all, a gentle- 
man. Nothing can be brought against his private or public record. 
His nomination insures the polling of the full Republican strength 
and it will catch the vote of an element in this State that has been 
wanting a chance of the sort. The ticket in its entirety is made up 
of good men. It is not too much to say that in all respects, it is 
the strongest ticket which the North Carolina Republicans have ever 
put up, an entirely decent one from top to bottom. The Chronicle 
cannot support it, but this fact does not bar us from stating what is 
a truth that will be recognized by all intelligent people. We do not 
believe the ticket, or any part of it, will be elected, but it is in the 
nature of a notice served on the Democratic party of the State to 
have a care for the future. | 


And this item of significance from the Chronicle, referring to Mr. 
Cox stands for: 


‘Democratic State Chairman Eller is quoted as saying, in regard 
to the Republican nomination for Governor, that ‘from the stand- 


i 


i a 


7 


point of Democracy we could not have hoped for nominations that 
pleased us more. The well-known sympathies of Mr. J. Elwood Cox, 
nominee for Governor, for the privileged interests classes him as a 
Republican in hearty accord with Mr.*Taft,’ etc. We are not certain 
what Mr. Eller means by the ‘privileged interests,’ Does he mean 
the cotton mills that have done such a great work in the develop- 
mnet of North Carolina and that have brought so much prosperity to 
it? We hope not. If the cotton mills and other manufacturing es- 
tablishments of the State are ‘privileged interests’ it should be the 
duty of the State to nourish them. At any rate, we hope the Demo- 
eratic party has no intention of arousing a sentiment against them 
for political effect. It would be taking the wrong tact. 


The High Point Enterprise, democratic, had this kind word of praise 
to offer: 


‘‘The non-partisan reception that is accorded J. Elwood Cox by 
the citizens of High Point, is a deserved tribute to a man who has 
been nominated by his party to the highest office in the gift of the 
State. The people of all party affiliations are glad to do him honor. 
While never having been a candidate for political honors before, it 
is conceded by all that Mr. Cox is a man well fitted by education, 
large natural endowments, and great success in the world of business 
for the high office. The Republican party has done itself honor in 
naming him as its standard bearer in what promises to be the most 
interesting campaign that has taken place in the old North State for 
many years. . 

*‘Tt is a sign of better times that partizanship is forgotten for the 
moment in honoring a fellow-citizen. This sort of thing occurred in 
Indianapolis a few weeks ago, when Mr. Fairbanks, a Republican 
Vice President, y-esided over a monster meeting in honor of Mr. 
Kern, the Democratic nominee for the Vice-Presidency. It is an era 
of good feeling, which can but rebound to the betterment of our 
State and country. 

““Tt is conceded that Mr. Cox is an able man and successful. He 
has never soiled his career’ by any political meanness. His record is 
a pure one as a man of affairs and as a quiet,-dignified counsellor of 
his party. Offensive partizenship is a stranger to him. He is a Re- 
publican from principle and has always been one from the time he 
reached manhood to the present. At the same time he has shown 
that large spirit which accords to every other man the same liberty 
and freedom of opinion as he demands himself. He has been all 
through his life closely associated with many men of different opin- 
ions than his own. They have always honored him for his ability, 
originality and pure moral character, and he has not hesitated to 
cherish them as his close and intimate friends.’’ 


-The People’s Paper, published at Charlotte, after copying the edi- 
torial from the Charlotte Observer commented in this wise: 


‘‘Just imagine, if you can, what a feeling would come over the 
average voter if he should wake on the morning of Nov. 4th and read 
that a high-toned, all around, up-to-date business man, one who does 
things, a man who would stay in the governor’s office and attend to 
the state’s business, had been elected governor do you think they 
could stand the shock? 

‘‘The other convention which met here some days since had an 
up-to-date business man before them asking for the governor’s 
place, but they did not want that kind of a man, as was proved 
by their action.’’ 


The Union Republican of Winston had this to say which is a sug- 
gestion worth your thought: 


‘*In the selection of Mr. Cox as a candidate for Governor the office 
most assuredly sought the man. His opponent, Mr. Kitchin, forsook 
his $7,500 a year duties as Congressman and canvassed the State 
seeking his nomination for Governor in the hope of heing elected 


8 


and from thence to step to Senatorial honors. Make a comparison 
and take your choice. Mr. Cox, an unassuming, successful, business 
man, personally and politically. pure and if elected the interests of 
the state would be safe, sane and in worthy hands. Mr. Kitchin, a 
politician and an office holding and office seeking Democrat of the 

radical brand. Voter, which one do you prefer?’’ , 


Charity and Children, edited by Archibald Johnson, one of the 
ablest editors in the state, and democratic, always is big enough to 
make this kind reference to Mr. Cox: 


‘Mr. J. Elwood Cox, of High Point, has been nominated by the 
Republicans for Governor. Mr. Cox is a man of fine business ability 
and of unblemished character. He is not widely known, having 
never been in public life, but he is highly esteemed throughout this 
section, and he will not discredit, even in the fury of the campaign, 
the good name he has won.’’ 


Fairbrother’s Everything, independent in all things says of the 
High Point candidate: 


‘‘The republican convention nominated for Governor of North 
Carolina, Mr. J. Elwood Cox, the High Point capitalist and manu- — 
facturer. This is something new in republican politics or democratie 
politics, for that matter, and the result of the election will be watch- 
ed with great interest. 

‘‘Tt is not our belief that Mr. Cox can be elected—but it is our 
belief that he will materially reduce the democratic majority. There 
are, we believe, thousands of business men in North Carolina who 
have wearied of the democratic politician—and who will take great 
pleasure in voting against the policies advocated by the democratic 
nominee. 

‘‘Mr. Cox may look forward to being abused by democrats; he 
may count on being the subject of many campaign lies—but one 
thing certain he will receive many votes that no other republican 
would have received. 

‘‘The conditions in North Carolina are such that populism is not 
as popular as it once was and the republican platform rings clear 
on many things. 

‘Mr. Cox has accepted the nomination and there will now be a 
campaign on for fair. He will not stump the state; he will go along 
attending to his business—but he will always be found ready to ex- 
plain his position and we venture the opinion that he will give the 
democrats much uneasiness.’’ 


The Industrial News, of Greensboro, says: 


‘“*Tt goes without saying that those who were instrumental in 
bringing about the nomination of Mr. Cox at Charlotte were influ- 
enced by a distinet purpose; that they had in view a well defined 
end. There was a widespread demand for the nomination of a man 
whose eminent safety and sanity was above question, and who would 
instantly command the confidence of those who come under the gen- 
eral classification of the ‘‘business interests.’’ The whole ticket 
was named with this popular demand constantly uppermost in the 
minds of the delegates. 

‘‘In the country at large the claim has been made that there has 
been an appreciable breaking down of party lines during the recent 
years, and that it is becoming more and more a question of men, 
not measures, with voters of the north and west. This is possibly 
true, but the line of demarcation between the two parties has been 
drawn exceedingly clear in this state. Mr. Kitchin, the standard- 
bearer of the Democracy is the antithesis of the spirit which prevail- 
ed when the Republican candidate was named, and the ticket nomi- 
nated. There is nothing in common between Mr. Kitchin and the 
business interests of the state, and there will never be anything in 


9 


common between them. Mr. Kitchin’s habits of mind would not 
permit of such a thing. Moreover, should he ever be suspected of 
a leaning toward ‘‘conservatism’’ his sensitive soul would never 
survive the shock. He takes the greatest possible pride in the dis- 
tinguishing circumstances that he is the state’s most radical radical, 
not even excepting the man who now holds the office to which he 
aspires. If elected he would on the slightest provocation follow the 
frank, albeit destructive precedent established by his predecessor 
and utilize the state’s business interests as a football for patisan 
politics. 

‘As we have before remarked, never before have the lines of 
demarcation between the two parties been more tautly drawn, and 
the business interests of the state should have no difficulty in dis- 
covering the way to a long sought salvation.’’ 


HUNDREDS OF OTHERS. 


From hundreds of press clippings the following are reproduced to 
show the tone of the press of the state: 


Winston Republican: ‘‘Politics or business? These are well de- 
fined issues in the State this year. Which do you prefer?’’ 

Catawba County News, Democratic: ‘‘The republican ticket named 
last week at Charlotte is composed of men of character. We know 
personally Mr. J. Elwood Cox to be a man of high character and 
a great friend of public education.’’ 


The Caucasian: ‘‘The republican party stands for industrial devel- 
opment and for general progress and prosperity and Hon. J. Elwood 
Cox, himself one of the most potent leaders in the upbuilding and 
development of the State, is a fitting candidate for Governor to 
lead such a party to victory. The election of Mr. Cox would mean 
much to North Carolina’s progress. Mr. Cox will appeal to the 
progressive people of the state as Judge Taft appeals to the pro- 
gressive forces of the nation. 

‘“A large number of delegates wanted Hon. Cyrus Thompson nomi- 
nated for Governor, and he would have made a most. brilliant cam- 
paign and an able and high-class Governor. But in the interest of 
harmony a compromise was affected by which he was unanimously 
nominated for Secretary of State. It is generally admitted, and not 
denied by any one, that when he held this position under fusion 
rule that he made the best Secretary of State that ever filled that 
important office. Jn short, the whole ticket is of a very high order. 
It can not be charged that Mr. Cox or any of his colleagues on the 
ticket have taken these nominations because they are candidates 
for a federal job. This alone will gain for them thousands of votes. 
It is a winning ticket and can be elected, and The Caucasian will do 
its part. 

‘“Now, altogether for victory.’’ 

Haywood Enterprise:—‘‘It is well to see what the other side think 
of us. The fact that the Democratic press of the State has praised 
Cox and condemned Kitchin is sufficient to erase all doubt in the 
mind of the voter. Read elsewhere what the Asheville Citizen said 
of Kitchin and what the Charlotte Observer said of Cox. Both of 
these are democratic papers.’’ 


Asheville Gazette News (Ind.):—‘‘Mr. Cox, nominated for Gov- 
ernor, stands very high in esteem in his own community and the 
State, and the men on the ticket with him are good, able and worthy 
men—men holding such general repute.’’ 

Haywood Enterprise:—‘‘Even the venomous Josephus Daniels ad- 
mits that Hon. J. Elwood Cox gives the ticket a ‘‘veneering of re- 
spectability.’’ . 

Salisbury Post (Democratic):—‘‘A majority of the nominees 
(Republican) we know personally and that men of their stamp should 


10 


have been selected makes it fairly certain that the campaign is to 
be free of bitter personalities. For this much the whole State has 
cause to be thankful.’’ 


News Dispatch:—‘‘Most all Democrats that we have heard speak 
about it say that they will vote for J. Elwood Cox for Governor. 
The people of North Carolina are tired of demagogues.and want a 
real Governor, one that will stay in the executive office and attend 
to the affairs of the State and not run all over the United States 
shooting off their mouth. Yes, the people want an industrial Gov- 
ernor.’’ 


Charlotte Chronicle (Dem.):—‘‘ There is no ‘‘ predatory wealth’’ in 
North Carolina, and the ‘‘privileged interests’’ are represented by 
the men who have built up the State and brought prosperity to it. 
The party that attempts to make political capital at their expense 
is going to lose by it in the long run.’’ 


4 


Haywood Enterprise:*—‘‘Hon. J. Elwood Cox, has according to 
the democratic press, committed the crime of being a prosperous 
business man. He is certainly guilty of the charge so far as we 
can learn. He made his money in clean business and has done much 
to develop a great industry in North Carolina and bring Northern 
Capital to our State. He is not quoted as being as rich as William 
Jennings Bryan who made his half million or so out of the notoriety 
gained by running for president and who yet has his first dollar 
to invest in the furtherance of North Carolina’s development. 


From the Caucasian we quote a brief sketch of Mr. Cox which will 
be of interest to all: 


‘‘Hon. Jonathan Elwood Cox, the Republican nominee for Gov- 
ernor, was born in Northampton County on the first day of Novem- 
ber, 1856, and since that time he has been continuously a resident 
of this State, and has played a prominent part in its commercial 
upbuilding. 

‘*Mr. Cox is an untiring worker and his fine business qualifications 
has won for him a high place among the business men of North Caro- 
lina. Mr. Cox is of English descent. His ancestors, who came from 
England, settled in Perquimans County. His father lived in North- 
ampton until Mr. Cox was about two years old when he moved his 
family to Guilford County, where he was superintendent of the 
Quaker school at New Garden, which was afterwards converted into 
Guilford College. Mr. Cox completed his collegiate course in 1875 
and his commercial career was begun in 1876, as a traveling sales- 
man. 

‘*On the 23rd day of October, 1878, he was married to Miss Bertha 
E. Snow, the only daughter of Captain William H. Snow, who has 
been spoken of as ‘the father and founder of the real High Point’ 
where in the year 1880 he moved. Mr. Cox and Capt. Snow were 
afterwards associated in the manufacture of hardwood, at that time 
an industry practically unknown in North Carolina. To-day the 
business has grown until through its branch plants, it covers nearly 
every State in the South and its finished product reaches nearly 
every country in Europe. 


‘“He was one of the men who helped to secure the railroad from 
Asheboro to High Point, and was one of the first directors of the 
Company. He was an active promoter in the establishment of the 
Commercial National Bank of High Point in 1891, and at the first 
meeting of the directors he was chosen president, which position he 
has occupied with ability ever since. ui ) 

‘*Mr. Cox was one of the promoters of the Home Furniture Com- 
pany, of High Point. He was a charter shareholder in the organiza- 
tion and creation of the Globe Furniture Company which makes the 
higher grades of furniture. His was the idea of the consolidation 
of the two into the Globe-Home Furniture Company, making it the 


a 


11 


largest furniture plant in the South, with a capital of $170,000. 
Since the consolidation of the company he has been its president. 
Mr. Cox is also a director of the Greensboro Loan & Trust Company, 
one of Greensboro’s strongest financial institutions. He is presi- 
dent of the Southern Car Works of High Point, and other manufac- 
turing companies in different towns. 

“Aside from his activities in the business world he has always 
been a friend to education.’’ 


HOW THE COX BANNER WAS GOTTEN FOR THE DEMONSTRA- 
TION. 

The following story in the Charlotte Chronicle, (democratic) throws 
a side light on the convention and gives the people the information 
of how the Cox banner was procured: 

‘*One of the most interesting and attractively odd features——or 
queer freakisms of the State Republican convention, has not so far 
been recorded in printer’s ink. When the Big Powers That Ever 
Be took a shivering sneak or a sneaky shivering because they kuew 
not just exactly what was to be with regard to the nomination of 
some man of the G. O. P. faith who might or might not, fill the chair 
now held by His Excellency, Governor Robert B. Glenn, there was 
the actual activity of guessing at something that might be doing. 
A quickly made-up committee of three gentlemen, consisting of 
Mr. Anson T. Beaver, of High Point, Dave Conrad, of Lexington, 
and Marsh Hoover, of Thomasville, right away got their heads close- 
shoved to prepare a banner for J. Elwood Cox. They made a streaky 
trip to the place of a local sign painter and told him of their ex- 
pectancy of trouble. In a fraction less than 25 minutes the sign 
was printed and the committee of three was again in place—for 
they simply ran like a distraught ostrich, dodging first to one side 
and then to the other in order that they might make a fancy run 
to place their banner in a fine and fitting position. They made the 
trip all to the absolute perfection. They whirled into the gallery 
where the big brass band was tooting and tooting and kept on a 
tooting. The J. Elwood Cox banner was swung and in a wee bit of 
time the thing called ‘Victory’ had perched there—that is, in so far 
as the nomination is concerned. 

| ABOUT THE PASS. 

As a director of a railway, successful business men are often 
found in such positions. Mr. Cox has a pass on the Southern rail- 
way. Part of the democratic press which forgets all decency, and 
this year but few representatives of it, is attempting to discredit 
Mr. Cox on account of the pass. But at the same time Mr. Vander- 
ford, of Rowan county, another successful gentleman and railway 
director, has been assigned manager of the campaign funds for the 
National Democratic party in North Carolina, and riding on a 
pass he is to-day passing the hat for dollars to assist Mr. Bryan in 
his election. It is perfectly proper for Mr. Vanderford to be a rail- 
way director and ride on a pass and raise democratic funds—but for 
Mr. Cox to be a diector and ride on a pass, because he is a repub- 
licam—constitutes a high crime and misdemeanor. The sensible 
citizen will understand that the pass makes no difference in the case 
of either gentlemen. 


THE VILLIFIERS AT WORK. 

Of course Mr. Cox did not expect to escape the villifiers who con- 
duct the venomous democratic newspapers. He knew that some of 
the rabid ones would attempt to destroy even character itself, so 
he was not surprised: when the first shot came—charging him with 


12 
being opposed to labor. He read what was charged, but before he 
could answer the charge his neighbors, manufacturers in High Point, 
all democrats, indignant that in the name of Democracy or anything 
else character should be destroyed and lies uttered wrote the follow- 
ing denial which is emphatic and final: 
MR. COX NOT IN ORGANIZATION 


‘*To the Public: 

‘We, the undersigned manufacturers, residing in High Point, 
and Democrats, but believing in fair play, desire to say that, of our 
own personal knowledge, Mr. J. Elwood Cox, of High Point, was 
not a member of the organization of manufacturers, who, in the 
Spring of 1906, had trouble with their labor, and we know Mr. Cox 
had nothing whatever to do with the socalled lockout, and the only 
times he appeared before this organization was as a mediator. 


‘‘The impression has prevailed somewhat that the Manufacturers’ 


Club of High Point, had something to do with the lockout. This 
was not the case, the Manufacturers’ Club had nothing to do with 
this trouble. , ‘ 

‘¢Furthermore, we know Mr. Cox to be largely interested in manu- 
facturing here and elsewhere, and that he has spent his life in en- 
couraging same. And in every movement undertaken by the busi- 
ness men of High Point to secure equitable freight rates, better 
equipment for shipping our products, and better service in handling 
same, Mr. Cox has always taken a most active part and has render- 
ed invaluable aid in bringing about more favorable conditions for 
shippers. 

‘‘J. P. Redding, H. W. Frazier, C. F. Tomlinson, 8. L. Davis, 
Fred. N. Tate, O. E. Kearns, A. E. Tate, W. G. Bradshaw, Charles 
Ragan J. W. Harris, A. Sherrod, C. L. Wheeler, A. M. Rankin, O. N. 
Richardson. High Point, N. C., Sept. 5, 1908.’’ 


And it seems that should forever settle this campaign lie that was 
sprung in the hope of influencing labor against Mr. Cox. 


Nor was that all. The fact that Mr. Cox was once before the In- 
ter-State Commerce Commission has been made a subject of at- 
tack. His evidence there concerning freight rates was taken down 
by a stenographer, and Judge W. P. Bynum, Jr., who carefully ex- 
amined that evidence wrote the following letter to the Industrial 
News showing where Mr. Cox stood in that regard and also his po- 
sition on labor. Coming from a gentleman of the high legal standing 
of Judge Bynum, this article is worth reading as it gives the facts 
which must stand unchallenged. It follows: 


‘Editor Industrial News: The work of the recent convention of 
the Republican party at Charlotte seems to have been done so well 
and wisely that it has frightened certain Democratic editors and 
orators into gross misrepresentations concerning the head of our 
ticket. Mr. Cox has been caricatured by some of them as the enemy 
of labor and hostile to the interests of the manufacturers and mer- 
chants of the state. He has been represented as one who believes 
in allowing the railroads to charge such freight rates as they please 
without any kind of regulation or control on the part of the national 
government. Even the Democratic candidate for governor, if he is 
correctly reported by the newspapers of his party, in his speech at 
Dobson a few days ago, declared that Mr. Cox was one of the only 
two men in North Carolina who went before the interstate com- 
merce commission and said under oath that the freight rates of the 
railroads ought not to be regulated by law. 

‘*Now a candidate for governor should not only be intelligent, as 
the Democratic candidate undoubtedly is, but he should also be fair, 
just and aecurate in his statements. If he is careless or reckless in 


13 


his assertions, it is a pretty good sign that he may prove to be 
equally careless as to his official actions in case of his election. He 
was a member of Congress when Mr. Cox testified before the Senate 
committee of inter-state commerce. That was May 10, 1905. Mr. 
Cox not only did not say on that occasion that the freight rates of 
the railroads ought not to be regulated by law, but expressly de- 
elared that there was no objection to such a course. I have read 
every word of his testimony before the committee and there is 
nothing in it to justify the assertion that Mr. Cox was then or is 
now opposed to federal regulation of railway rates. When he went 
before the committee, as appears from his testimony he in common 
with many others, was under the impression that the committee in- 
tended to recommend a measure giving the inter-state commerce 
commission power to fix the rates in the first instance. Mr. Cox 
thought that was inadvisable; that it would be better to allow the 
railroads themselves to fix the rates in the first instance, because 
among other reasons, if the commission should fix them too high 
it would be difficult to get the railroads to make them lower, and 
besides, he preferred to deal directly with the railroads in securing 
a satisfactory rate than with a government official. When Senator 
Cullom, a member of the committee, called his attention to the 
fact that it was not proposed to pass a law requiring the commis- 
sion to fix the rates in the first instance, but simply to give the com- 
mission power, upon complaint made, to determine what a reasonable 
rate was and if a rate was determined to be unreasonable, that the 
commission should have the power to say what was a reasonable rate, 
Mr. Cox readily agreed that there could be no objection to such a 
law. As a matter of fact, subject to the power of the courts to 
review the finding of the commission, such a provision was incor- 
porated in the bill passed by the Senate and every Democratic sena- 
tor except two voted for it. 

‘*In answer to further questions Mr. Cox did testify that in the 
locality where he lived there was very little complaint of the rates 
being too high. And that was true and is true now. The com- 
plaint of the people of North Carolina is not so much that freight 
rates are too high, but that they are discriminatory. To lower them 
here and likewise reduce existing rates in the proportion in Virgin- 
ia and Georgia would help us very little. What we need in this 
respect are rates which will put us upon an equal footing with those 
states. Mr. Cox was not questioned and did not testify as to that 
aspect of the matter. It may be stated, however, that Mr. Cox is as 
much opposed to rebates and discriminations in freight rates as any 
one. In his business he has never received a rebate nor have there 
been any discriminations in his favor. He rides on a pass because 
he is a director in the High Point and Randleman Railroad and is 
one of the eprsons who was instrumental in having that railroad 
built. He was its first president and was elected by his friends and 
neighbors, and after the road was sold to the Richmond and Dan- 
ville company, Mr. Cox being its president, was retained as a director 
in the company and as such he has had a pass ever since as have also 
all the other directors and officers of the road, Democrats as well as 
Republicans. 

‘“Again, Mr. Cox is represented as an enemy of labor. This 
charge is based upon his alleged participations in certain labor 
troubles in High Point a few years ago in which, it is claimed, his 
action was unfriendly to organized labor. As a matter of fact Mr. 
Cox had nothing to do with those troubles, and took no stand what- 
ever in any way hostile to labor, organized or unorganized. He is 
interested in six factories in High Point which went through the 
trouble without the slightest friction. One of these he owns and it 
was under his absolute control. In it there were employes who be- 
longed to the union and employes who did not belong to it, and 
Mr. Cox never even inquired whether his employes were members 
of the union or not. There was only one factory in High Point 


14 


in which Mr. Cox was interested where there was any trouble. 
Mr. Cox was not even a member of the Manufacturers’ Association 
which locked out the men and controlled the situation, and he had 
nothing whatever to do with the action of the association resulting 
in the lockout. ° 

‘<These are the facts, Mr. Editor, and I mention them not with 
the hope of accomplishing anything so far as the gentlemen are con- 
cerned who have made the misrepresentations. Perhaps they have 
no use for facts, they can reason better without them; but the fair- 
minded voters of the state are interested in knowing the truth and 
it is to them that. the Republican party appeals to contrast what 
Mr. Cox has done for his community and the state with what his 
opponent has done, or rather failed to do, and .to decide which 
of them is most worthy to be governor of this great state. 

‘‘Tor several years we have heard from business men themselves 
—farmers, merchants, manufacturers, and others—that they do not 
take an interest in polities sufficiently active and effective to protect 
and promote their own interests, In the candidacy of Mr. Cox they 
have an excellent opportunity to place in the governor’s chair 
one of their most honest, capable and conservative men, in whose 
hands not only their own, but the interests of every other person, 
rich or poor, corporate or individual, will be safe.’’ 


LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS. 
_ Mr. Cox has been the recipient of hundreds of personal Jetters 
and telegrams, letters from democrats prominent in the state pledg- 
ing their support; letters from manufacturers regardless of political 
affiliations telling him they would work to the last day for his success 
and from all over the state and outside the state hundreds of let- 
ters have come which make Mr. Cox feel that the spotless life he 
has lived has been rewarded. 

LETTERS IN THE PRESS. 

The papers which will print letters are carrying many from 
writers who are for Mr. Cox and as they are numerous we repro- 
duce a couple here as a sample of what men are writing: Mr. T. 
T. Hicks, of Henderson: says in the Industrial News: 


‘*Tt is somewhat to the credit of the State of North Carolina 
that so many of the intelligent Democrats of the state did not 
want either Kitchin or Craig for governor, but preferred a plain 
business man who had won the right to govern others by governing 
himself and prospering in his own affairs. The Ashley Horne vote 
of the Democratic party was its better part. It really seems that 
the Democratic party of North Carolina even, is beginning to 
share the feeling that the rule of the politician, the agitator, the 
stirrer up of strife is not best. Beginning, I say; for it has not yet 
attained to that feeling; for it still recognizes the ‘‘old taste for 
gross’’ implied by. the boost of its candidate, Mr. Kitchin, that the 
“‘big 4’? of North Carolina is the Halifax registrars. 

‘*The Republican party offers the people a candidate, who, in- 
stead of going the round talking education and industrialism and 
‘winding up with denouncing corporations and railroads and _ bring- 
ing us to ‘‘1908’’ with less than half the children in school, has 
devoted his life itself to education and industry, who. has labored 
in season and out of season for the promotion of the school and 
college of his own hands and provided labor for the hands of others 
——who does, instead of talks. No reason can be found for not voting 
for Elwood Cox for governor except that he isa Republican, Thirty- 
four of our forty-six states are Republican by two and a half mil- 
Jions majority. Some would-be Democratic postmasters think they 
ean feel a landslide for Bryan and Kitchin. To my apprehension 
based on results alieady accomplished, it is already here for Taft 


15 


and Cox. Every Republican should appeal to his neighbors to vote 
for this most excellent ticket and against Bryan and Kitchin. Those 
names don’t sound right to me. They look like a hundred-dollar 
bill of Confederate money. Bryan’s picture reminds one of tose 
grey horses pulling the cannon, and rearing up—while Kitchiu makes 
me think of the man riding the horse and driving—Josephus rep- 
resents the man whe signs down on the left hand corner of the bill, 
not treasurer, but *‘For treasurer,’’? and the whole Democratic sut- 
fit seems to say, like that oid bill, ‘‘We’ll make good two years 
after the notification of a treaty of peace between us and the 
United States.’’ Bryan, Kern and Eji:tchin don’t come due svon 
enough—we want something fresh and new and in the living present. 
Here’s the style of it: Yaft, Sherman and Cox. Hurrah sor ther, 

“*Aupust 29, 1408. MeL ae bets 


‘‘Editor Daily Industrial News:—The Charlotte News has seen 
fit to cartoon Mr. J. Elwood Cox as the man who was the one that 
kicked the working men out in the ‘lockout’ there. I do not write 
to say that he had no part in it, but it is a fact that the shuttle block 
factory did not lock out a man, although some factories in which 
he was interested did do so. Who locked out the union men here? 
Almost to a man they were Democrats. In one instance men armed 
with pistols sat in the office of a factory waiting for an attack 
by violent union men, and this factory was run by Democrats. 

Now, by lineage and descent, I am a Democrat but shall vote for 
J. Elwood Cox for governor. I am not a union man, but believe 
in fair play. Now these same good Democrats in High Point who 
locked out the working men want office and will ask for the support 
of their ‘dear’ laborers. We should like for the Charlotte News and 
other Democratic papers to tell how many working men the Demo- 
erats locked out in High Point. This, would make interesting read- 
ing when compared with what Republicans did. 

‘*High Point, N. C. Sep. 4, 1908. © CITIZEN.’’ 

| SaaS Ie cI SERINE Ves 


; IN CONCLUSION. 

Never in the State of North Carolina was there such an ovation 
over the nomination of a republican to head the state ticket. Never 
was there such an outpouring of letters and telegrams from men 
of all parties; never was the democratic press as kind and consid- 
‘erate of a candidate and never before, in a straight fight between 
democrat and republican was there such a splendid chance for re- 
publican success. That thousands of democrats will vote for Mr. 
Cox simply because he stands for the business interests goes without 
saying. He represents what the business interests demand, and the 
democrat who votes for him can remember what Editor Caldwell, 
of the Charlotte Observer said, when found repeating himself— 
‘‘he is a Quaker and a Gentleman.’’ 


A. Suggestion 


The following from Fairbrother’s Everything, (Independent), sizes 
up the situation pretty well, and is offered to those democrats who 
want to see business conditions settled in North Carolina, who want 
to see a Governor who will build up the state’s commercial interests 
and not his own political fortunes, at the expense of the state: 

‘*It is up to the Democrats who have been talking, to shoot or 


give up the gun. A year and more ago the conservative Democrats 
of North Carolina wanted to start a new party—they wanted te 


| 


‘run a business man for governor; they wanted to cut loose from ; 
politicians who have so long dominated and who have preempted 
offices. ; pie sd 

‘‘The time has come, now, when these socalled independent Dem- 
ocrats, those manufacturers and business men who claimed they were 
tired of politics and wanted business introduced into state affairs, 
ean express themselves. J. Elwood Cox is preeminently a busi- 
ness man. He is a clean citizen; a safe citizen; a good citizen—and 
as Joe Caldwell frequently remarks, ‘that word citizen is a good 
one.’ 

‘‘Tf the business interests of the state want to see a change; if 
they want to have for governor a man who is business from the 
shoulder and who would devote his time exclusively to giving the 
state a business administration, they can vote for Cox and vote 
for him consistently. He stands diametrically opposed to all that 
Kitchin advocates—so far as we have heard Kitchin on the stump. 
Cox wants to build up his state. He wants to encourage. foreign 
capital; he wants railroads to have a chance to run and equip their 
rolling stock with the latest and best; he wants to see development 
and he would favor giving the railways a subsidy for getting mail 
to us many hours in advance. He carries a railroad pass as a di- 
rector of a railway, and if he can manage to buy a railroad and own 
it, he will get still more votes. The wave of anarchy which swept 
the state against railroads has about subsided. What we want in 
office are men who favor progression; business men who will build 
and not tear down. Cox will never appeal to the passions and 
prejudices of men. He will or should appeal to all business men; 
to all men who want to own homes and all men who own homes— 
he should receive every railroad man’s vote; he should get the lion’s 
share of the business vote and the farmer who does not want to see 
the railways and trusts absolutely wiped out of this state will vote 
for Cox—the clean-handed business man. 


‘*It is now up to those who talked to organize. There is no ex- 
euse for blushing or apologizing if you vote for Elwood Cox. He 
is as good a citizen as there isin the confines of North Carolina— 
and he stands for all the things, practically, that Kitchin opposes 
in the industrial life of the state. 


““Dozens of Democrats in Greensboro have already informed us, 
or rather stated in-our presence, that they would vote for Cox—and 
we are now of opinion that Cox and Bryan or Bryan and Cox will = 
be a ticket quite liberally voted throughout the state. Anyway, it 
is now up to those Democrats who have claimed to be dissatisfied 
to either shoot or give up the gun.’’ 


Republican Roiince fer Covemes Addresses the People of he 
_ State — National and State Affairs Discussed — His Position 
With Reference to Labor and Capital Clearly Outlined —Is — 

_ Opposed to Rebates and Has Never Received One From a | 
_ Railroad— Education the Most Important Question Now — 
Fronting Us — Earnest Appeal Made to the Young Men of the - 
State to Study Well What the SG i laa Party Has Done. 


a ‘To the People of North Carolina: 


- It will be recalled that when I accepted the nomination for Governor at 
_ the recent Republican State Convention in Charlotte, I stated that later I 


should, in a more formal way,-make known my views upon the issues between 3 
_ the two great political parties of North Carolina. I now make the attempt eat 


and hope every man who reads this will do so as if it were a personal communi-— 
cation to him. re : 

My life’s work has been outside of politics. I have never for a moment 
entertained any political ambitions. It was with great reluctance I yielded to the 
_ earnest entreaties of friends, who persuaded mre that I owed a duty to the 


State, and many of these friends are Democrats who feel as I feel—that the 


a business men of North Carolina are entitled to more voice in the business 
_ affairs of the State, and in the legislation affecting the business interests of 


_ the State. 


* Being a business man and not a politician I take ns that it is not expected se 
as be mould pad into any elaborate lg ae of the political issues of the day. 


NATIONAL AFFAIRS 


“Ag to national affairs, I desire first to say that I am in thorough accord a 
with the principles and policies of the party as enunciated in the Republican 
-. national platform adopted at Chicago, and firmly believe if North Carolina 


would break away from the solid South and cast her electoral vote for that 


Ei _ great statesman, William H. Taft, it would bring millions of dollars here to 
_ aid in developing our untold resources. Business men know that dollars, like 


people, need encouragement; they will go where there is an inducement, but. 


be _ they are not likely to stay where there is indifference; they will live where _ 


e they see light ahead for profit. But if the sentiment of a community, or State, ue . 
is hostile to them, such community, or State, is not likely to grow rich. ae 
e In view of the untold resources of this Commonwealth, about which we 


tunity for the adoption of a poliey which will induce, attract and encourage 2 


ag the investment of outside capital in our State. 
_ There are certain matters to which I desire to refer: first, that of labor. 


. ' LABOR | ee 
A trust I may be pardoned for stating that whatever I have accumulated of 
; world’s abe has been the fruit of my own effort. The work of my. life 


: elite that the testimony of these men, nee of political or other affilia- es 


tions, shall be accepted as to my attitude on this question. I may state further — 
more than twenty-five years, devoted to the upbuilding of the industrial and 


with my employes. 
: CAPITAL 
- Lmust be equally frank and emphatic in stating that my attitude towards — 
capital is that of justice and fairness. 
Iam in favor of dealing wisely and justly with all classes of our citizens: 
in the enactment and enforcement of laws affecting their interests. 


I believe also in the proper and just and strict regulation of all railroads 


and other public carriers, and in requiring all corporations to obey the laws as 
‘strictly and faithfully. as the humblest private citizen. 

I favor such laws as will ‘‘give to the Federal government greater super- 

vision and control over, and secure greater publicity in, the management of 


that elass of corporations engaged in interstate commerce having power and 


opportunities to effect monopolies.’’ a 

And in this connection I beg to state emphatically that I have not a dollar 
invested in any sort of combine or trust, or in any line of business that any 
man can fairly claim even savors of a trust. 

It is not improper, since I have been so misquoted and misrepresented as 


to my attitude towards railroads, to state that in 1889 the people of my com- 
munity, seeing the great necessity for building a railroad south of us, to- 


- bring out the large quantity of lumber in that direction, organized the’ High 
Point, Randleman, Asheboro & Southern Railroad Company, and at a meeting 
of the stockholders—composed of my neighbors and friends—I was elected 
president and a director of the company and devoted much time and labor 


Ped and some money towards the completion of this road» Soon. after the com-— 
pletion of this road it was sold to the old Richmond & Danville, and I have . 


since retained the place as director in this local company, and by reason of 


holding this place as director have lawfully carried an annual pass ever since. 
This annual pass came to me legitimately and I have never seen any sufficient 


reason why I should refuse it. = 

Outside of the investment in this local road I have no financial interest. 
direct or indirect in any other railroad. It is due me that I should state 
positively that I have never asked for or received a rebate from any railroad — 


7 


peal 


es ERY: 

I am strongly opposed to rebates or-any sort of discrimination, and, neo 
ing for myself, have never been able to understand why the rates should 
give Virginia cities better rates than they give North Carolina cities. 
people until it is corrected. f 


reasonable accommodations, we should not overlook the enormous expense of © 


deal eh and fairly with them and at the same time not ae that Ane 


that I have never discriminated against any laboring man on account of his 
- gonnection with any organization, and in the course of my business life of © 


manufacturing interests of the community in which I live, and while employ- 
ing a great many men, never have I had any trouble of any kind, at any time, — 


This question should receive the continued and urgent attention of our : 
While railroads should be required to make reasonable schedules and give 


their operation and their great losses by accident and otherwise. We should — 


: onable convenience to the people. | He Ra. 
the fullest protection to the railroad employe and ne ighast some 
- commensurate with the risk he assumes and the services he renders. 
nee my position upon the question of freight rates has been misrepresented, 
my testimony before the Interstate Commerce Commission at Washington 


AS TO STATE MATTERS 


enerous provision for our GuhFedernte veterans. Lit fs 
“a No higher or greater obligation rests upon us than that which we owe to : 
he youthful criminals of our State. Humanity demands that we should provide —— 


formatories Rar their correction and training. ™ 


Brected in his right to cast a ballot Bt nitely ae without any sort of titer ter 
ence or dictation, and that the people should have a voice in the selection of 
tl of their nabue servants. 

~ One of the most important and pressing questions which now vitally con- 
Tns our people is that of improvement of our public roads and demands 


. every child in our public sen auts all necessary text-books, which policy has 
already been adopted by many of the most progressive States of the Union. 
I firmly believe that the great cause of education should be eliminated from 
e field of politics, and that the time will soon come when the people of North 
arolina will demand it to be taken and kept out of politics. 

pet me observe that political and economic conditions change by periods. 
his. State has reached a period when economic conditions require change in 


i 


he political government. We long ago passed the convalescent period in 


ee! 


covering from the downfall of slavery and the disaster of the civil war, tn 1% “1 
ue movement to get away from these old vhinge North Carolina is lateee 


er 


Se spite of hostile legislation which has materially retarded her progress, — - 
h North Carolina—which was at one time the third Syne in ee anion in See 


Pare 
ot the State gets tHe Meakes we will have attained a position is a iieat 


strength in the nation to which this old Commonwealth is entitled Sy reaso = 
: of her past history and glorious prestige. caae a 
- The Republican party invites support not only for its ees ticket bu 
_ for the ticket inside the State, with the belief that such pues would mea ek 
the best interest of the State of North Carolina. : 

In my short speech of acceptance in the Charlotte Convention I onpherte A 
the fact that the one feature of that great convention which impressed me more — 
perhaps than any other, which appealed strongly to me, and which had. largely | 
to do with my decision, was the presence of so many stalwart young men who o- 
had enlisted under the Republican standard. i 


AN APPEAL TO YOUNG MEN 


. And I cannot conclude this letter without making an earnest appeal to th 
young men of our State. 4 
_ The economic and political conditions of 1908 in North Carolase are not. 
what they were in 1868. Conditions have changed. To these young men mes am 
not appealing for their votes, for I would not have them vote otherwise than 
their judgment and conscience dictate. But to them I do appeal and ask that 
they study the history of the policies and achievements of the great Republican 
party of this country and to study well the opportunities which this party ha 
made possible for them before they choose their political affiliations. ; . 
In a certain sense a young man of intelligence and courage is a more 
impartial judge of the relative merits of political parties than the man who x 
is embittered by the memories of dead issues and who allows the prejudices” 
of the past to warp his judgment and who is influenced by a 1 fancied fear 0 
inconsistency. 3 
By the law of nature the future destiny of the State is in are hands’ of the 
young men. They must take our places when we are gone, write the laws, : 
fill the offices and blaze and cut out the intellectual, political and industrial 
highway. a 
It is the first step that counts, said the great Napoleon. It is oftentimes: 
a man’s first vote that determines his political future. hs eee 
To the young men I appeal most earnestly to give to the ‘great ques am : 
which are today before the people of North Carolina their closest study and 
their calmest judgment, and to follow the fortunes of the political party -which 
stands for the principles and policies best caleulated to insure the peace and — 
prosperity of this great. State. I ask them to shape their course by hopes: of 
the future and not by prejudices of the past. More I. have no right i a 
less they cannot afford to do. . ey 
Finally, if elected Governor of North Carolina my sdminatronaee wal 4 
be characterized as apolitical administration, but purely that of a busin ss 
man, having no axe to grind, or i POIACN debts to pay, or ' future: political 
ambition to satisfy. : 


ez 


Respectfully, 


e ate 
High Point, September 17th, 1908. ae é 


The F acts 


“Tet ‘the People of North Carolina: 


Since my testimony given before the Inter-state Commerce Commis- ~ 
sion in May 1905, has been so garbled and distorted by political oppo- 
aout I have felt it a duty to submit the entire testimony word for 


word from the record, and I ask the reader to remember that when 
this testimony was given I had in mind only the business interests of 
ee my own community and did not have in mind the interests or griev- 
ance of other communities, and referred only to outgoing shipments. 
There were probably fifty other witnesses present at the time from 
other sections of the country, and each was called upon and expected 

to testify as to conditions in his own town and community. I was 
opposed then, and am opposed now, to all rebates and discriminations 

bet and any inference to the contrary is unwarranted by my testimony: 


STATEMENT OF J. ELWOOD COX. 


Senator Cullom—Please state your name. 

Mr. Cox—J. Elwood Cox. 

Senator Cullom—Where do you live? 
Mr. Cox—At High Point, N. C. 
Senator Cullom—What is your business? 
Mr. Cox—I am engaged in manufacturing, in the line of hard _ 

_ woods mainly. I manufacture shuttle blocks, bobbin heads, and 

* i _ things of that character. I have a number of different plants in | 

_ the South, in several different States—in North Carolina, South Caro- — 

- lina, Arkansas, and Mississippi. I Ship the products of those plants 

mainly in this country. About two-thirds of the product is shipped 

in. this country, and about one-third I export. I simply want to: 

‘ give, a little bit of my experience. I have been in this business for x 

twenty- -five years, and I think in all that time, not only on the South- ' 

Ms ern eo but on any other line over which I have shipped, ie 


es 


2 


to show that the Southern Railroad have been reasonably fair to 
us. Our town has grown from about 2,000 people in 1890 to about 
10,000 people at present. In 1890, when we began the manufacture 
of furniture there, we had about 2,000 people and we began in a 
very small way. The first company organized there had a capital 
stock of $9,000. To-day we have 50 factories and more than a half 
million dollars represented. We ship about 40 carloads a day of 
manufactured furniture and a good portion of this goes to the Pa- 
cific coast. 


I may also state that I am the president of the Manufacturers’ 
Club in High Point, and while I have no written authority I know I 
voice the sentiments of the manufacturers there when I state that 
we would rather deal directly with the railroad officials than with 
some governmental official. 


Senator Cullom—I suppose you are aware that we do not expect 
it will be required that you should go to a commission in the first 
instance in order to get a rate. 


Mr. Cox—I discovered that since I came here. We had the im- 
pression, and I think the most of the country has the impres- 
sion, that this commission would actually make the rates. 


Senator Cullom—yYes, I infer that they have that impression 
from what other gentlemen have said. 


Mr. Cox—I got that impression myself. 


Senator Cullom—If you go on dealing with the railroads as you 
are doing and finally come to a point where you disagree, would 
you have very much objection to submitting the question of dis- 
crimination to a commission for determination? 


Mr. Cox—wWell, that certainly would not be so bad as to have 
the rates fixed finally by the Government official, who might not be 
an expert and who might be uneducated in that line of business and 
possibly incompetent. 

Senator Cullom—Most of the members of the present Inter- 
state Commerce Commission have been in offlee for a good many 
years and they are necessarily dealing with these questions every 
day. 

Mr. Cox—yYes, sir. 

Senator Cullom—Do you think they would be a dangerous tri- 
bunal to go before with any such questions? 

Mr. Cox—I would think not, sir. 

Senator Cullom—Then the only point of difference between dif- 
ferent people on this subject is that many people desire that this 
Commission shall have the power when they determine what a rea- 
sonable rate is to fix the rate, while the railroad men and others 
say they do not want them to have that power at all. That is the 


3 


contention existing here between the railroads and other people, 
and we are trying to find out what ought to be done. 

Mr. Cox—It seems to me, Senator, that the difficulty there is 
that whatever the Government fixed would be inflexible; there 
would be no changing it hereafter. If they happened to get it too 
high the railroads, perhaps, would not want to lower it. 

Senator Cullom—Suppose the court fixed it. What would you 
want to do then? 


Mr. Cox—It would be the same thing; it would be inflexable. 
There would be no change, and as I said in the outset, so far as my 
experience goes, we would get what we want by dealing directly 
with the railroad officials, the traffic managers who come there and 
who know the circumstances and conditions surrounding us. That 
is the case in the territory that I represent. The traffle managers 
come there. The division freight agent comes there and we appeal 
to him, and if we do not get what we want we appeal to the higher 
officials, and oftentimes we have them come there. 


Senator Cullum—What I wish to do is simply to call your atten- 
tion to the fact that there is nobody proposing to pass a law re- 
quiring that the Commission shall make the rates in the first in- 
stance at all but it is simply proposed to give the Commission the 
power to determine what a reasonable rate is, where you complain 
or a community complains; and if the rate is determined to be un- 
reasonable, that that Commission shall have the power to say what 
a reasonable rate is. 

Mr. Cox—Well, perhaps there would be no objection to that; 
but generally we understand when the Government does a thing 
that it is inflexable; that it is ironclad, and there is no getting 
away from it. We think we are closer to the railroad people and that 
they are closer to us than the Government itself would be. 

Senator Cullom—Of course, if they are closer to you and you 
get along with them all right, you never would make a complaint. 

Mr. Cox—That is true. 

Senator Cullom—You may proceed with your statement. 

Mr. Cox—wWell, sir, that about covers the ground. I wished 
simply to state that we think if these rates were established there 
would be little possibility of a change, and that we would rather 
deal with the people with whom we are acquainted and who have 
manifested an interest in our community. Of course, our interests 
are mutual, as has been demonstrated here by almost every person 
who has spoken. 

Senator Dolliver—You have 50 furniture factories in your city? 

Mr. Cox—Yes; some very small and some large. 

Senator Dolliver—That is a magnificent showing. 

Mr. Cox—Yes; we have a very good showing. The largest cor- 


4 


poration has a capital of $175,000 and the smallest would be per- 
haps $4,000 or $5,000, manufacturing some branch line, not on a 
very large scale. But it is an interesting fact that this town has 
been built up practically in the last fifteen years, and while we have 
sometimes had difficulties and grievances with the Southern Rail- 
way we have always been able to settle them, and they have demon- 
strated that they have an interest in us. As I say, we ship a good 
deal now to the Pacific coast. If there was a rate established at so 
much per ton per mile, which I believe is not likely to be the case, 
such towns as Grand Rapids, Mich., and Evansville, Ind., which 
are in competition with us, and Memphis, Tenn., where lumber is 
just as abundant as at High Point, they would cut us out of the 
Pacific coast trade. We ship a lot of stuff to the Pacific coast. We 
have a rate now to the Pacific coast of $1.75 per hundred. I am not 


quite sure what the Evansville rate is, but I think it is $1.45. They 


are almost half way to the Pacific coast from us, but their rate is 
not very much less than ours. 


The Chairman—I should like to ask one question here. In this 


locality where you live and in the country generally are there any - 


complaints of the rates being too high? 

Mr. Cox—Very little, sir. 

The Chairman—The rates are generally acquiesced in by the 
shippers 

Mr. Cox—Yes, that is generally the case. I think we have had 
more complaint about the searcity of cars during the busy season 
in the spring and fall than anything else; more than we have had 
about freight rates. We had a great dearth of furniture cars at 
one time. It takes an especially large car to get in the minimum 
weight. They issued an order at one time. to send every furniture 
car on their line to High Point, and in a matter of ten days we had 
plenty of cars. 


Senator Dolliver—You could not ask anything more than that? 


Mr. Cox—We could not ask anything more than that. I only 
give that as an illustration of their efforts to help us. I think we 
are giving them about 40 cars a day, and they can afford to do it.’’ 


The Facts 


To the People of North Carolina: 


ti Since my testimouy given before the Inter-state Commerce Commis- 
sion in May 1905, has been so garbled and distorted by political oppo- 
nents I have felt it a duty to submit the entire testimony word for 
word from the record, and I ask the reader to remember that when 
this testimony was given I had in mind only the business interests of 
my own community and did not have in mind the interests or griev- 
ance of other communities, and referred only to outgoing shipments. 
There were probably fifty other witnesses present at the time from 
other sections of the country, and each was called upon and expected 
to. testify as to conditions in his own town and community. I was 
opposed then, and am opposed now, to all rebates and discriminations 


and any inference to the contrary is unwarranted by my testimony: 


STATEMENT OF J. ELWOOD COX. 


Senator Cullom—Please state your name. 

Mr. Cox—J. Elwood Cox. 

Senator Cullom—Where do you live? 

Mr. Cox—At High Point, N. C. 

Senator Cullom—What is your business? 

Mr. Cox—I am engaged in manufacturing, in the line of hard 
woods mainly. I manufacture shuttle blocks, bobbin heads, and 
things of that character. I have a number of different plants in 
the South, in several different States—in North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, Arkansas, and Mississippi. I Ship the products of those plants 
mainly in this country. About two-thirds of the product is shipped 
in this country, and about one-third I export. I simply want to 
give a little bit of my experience. I have been in this business for 
twenty-five years, and I think in all that time, not only on the South- 
ern Railroad, but on any other line over which I have shipped, I 
never have had a grievance which did not result in either in my 
getting what I wanted when I properly presented my case to the 
railroad officials, or in their convincing me that I was wrong in my 
request. 

In addition to that line of business, I am largely interested in 
the manufacture of furniture in High Point. There is a great deal 
of furniture manufactured there, and we are now making street cars. 
There is no railroad competition there, and I mention these facts 


2 


to show that the Southern Railroad have been reasonably fair to 
us. Our town has grown from about 2,000 people in 1890 to about 
10,000 people at present. In 1890, when we began the manufacture 
of furniture there, we had about 2,000 people and we began in a 
very small way. The first company organized there had a capital 
stock of $9,000. To-day we have 50 factories and more than a half 
million dollars represented. We ship about 40 carloads a day of 
manufactured furniture and a good portion of this goes to the Pa- 
cific coast. 


I may also state that I am the president of the Manufacturers’ 
Club in High Point, and while I have no written authority I know I 
voice the sentiments of the manufacturers there when I state that 
we would rather deal directly with the railroad officials than with 
some governmental official. , 


Senator Cullom—I suppose you are aware that we do not expect 
it ‘will be required that you should go to a commission in the first 
instance in order to get a rate. 


Mr. Cox—TI discovered that since I came here. We had the im- 
pression, and I think the most of the country has the impres- 
sion, that this commission would actually make the rates. 


Senator Cullom—yYes, I infer that they have that impression 
from what other gentlemen have said. 


Mr. Cox—I got that impression myself. 


Senator Cullom—If you go on dealing with the railroads as you 
are doing and finally come to a point where you disagree, would 
you have very much objection to submitting the question of dis- 
€rimination to a commission for determination? 


Mr. Cox—wWell, that certainly would not be so bad as to have 
the rates fixed finally by the Government official, who might not be 
an expert and who might be uneducated in that line of business and 
possibly incompetent. 

Senator Cullom—Most of the members of the present Inter- 
state Commerce Commission have been in office for a good many 
years and they are necessarily dealing with these questions every 
day. 

Mr. Cox—yYes, sir. 

Senator Cullom—Do you think they would be a dangeamn tri- 
bunal to go before with any such questions? 

Mr. Cox—I would think not, sir. 

Senator Cullom—Then the only point ie difference between dif- 
ferent people on this subject is that many ‘people desire that this 
Commission shall have the power when they determine what a rea- 
sonable rate is to fix the rate, while the railroad men and others 
say they do not want them to have that power at all. That is the 


3 


contention existing here between the railroads and other people, 
and we are trying to find out what ought to be done. 

Mr. Cox—It seems to me, Senator, that the difficulty there «is 
that whatever the Government fixed would be inflexible; there 
would be no changing it hereafter. If they happened to get it too 
high the railroads, perhaps, would not want to lower it. 

Senator Cullom—Suppose the court fixed it. What would you 
want to do then? 


Mr. Cox—It would be the same thing; it would be inflexable. 
There would be no change, and as I said in the outset, so far as my 
experience goes, we would get what we want by dealing directly 
with the railroad officials, the traffic managers who come there and 
who know the circumstances and conditions surrounding us. That 
is the case in the territory that I represent. The traffic managers 
come there. The division freight agent comes there and we appeal 
to him, and if we do not get what we want we appeal to the higher 
officials, and oftentimes we have them come there. 


Senator Cullum—What I wish to do is simply to call your atten- 
tion to the fact that there is nobody proposing to pass a law re- 
quiring that the Commission shall make the rates in the first in- 
stance at all but it is simply proposed to give the Commission the 
power to determine what a reasonable rate is, where you complain 
or a community complains; and if the rate is determined to be un- 
reasonable, that that Commission shall have the power to say what 
a reasonable rate is. 

Mr. Cox—Well, perhaps there would be no objection to that; 
but generally we understand when the Government does a thing 
that it is inflexable; that it is ironclad, and there is no getting 
away from it. We think we are closer to the railroad people and that 
they are closer to us than the Government itself would be. 

Senator Cullom—Of course, if they are closer to you and you 
get along with them all right, you never would make a complaint. 
Mr. Cox—That is true. 

Senator Cullom—You may proceed with your statement. 

Mr. Cox—wWell, sir, that about covers the ground. I wished 
simply to state that we think if these rates were established there 
would be little possibility of a change, and that we would rather 
deal with the people with whom we are acquainted and who have 
manifested an interest in our community. Of course, our interests 
are mutual, as has been demonstrated here by almost every person 
who has spoken. 

Senator Dolliver—You have 50 furniture factories in your city? 

Mr. Cox—Yes; some very small and some large. 

Senator Dolliver—That is a magnificent showing. 

Mr. Cox—Yes; we have a very good showing. The largest cor- 


4 


poration has a capital of $175,000 and the smallest would be per- 
haps $4,000 or $5,000, manufacturing some branch line, not on a 
very large scale. But it is an interesting fact that this town has 
been built up practically in the last fifteen years, and while we have 
sometimes had difficulties and grievances with the Southern Rail- 
way we have always been able to settle them, and they have demon- 
strated that they have an interest in us. As I say, we ship a good 
deal now to the Pacific coast. If there was a rate established at so 
much per ton per mile, which I believe is not likely to be the ease, 
such towns as Grand Rapids, Mich., and Evansville, Ind., which 
are in competition with us, and Memphis, Tenn., where lumber is 
just as abundant as at High Point, they would cut us out of the 
Pacific coast trade. We ship a lot: of stuff to.the Pacific coast. We 
have 2 rate now to the Pacific coast of $1.75 per hundred. I am not 
quite sure what the Evansville rate is, but I think it is $1.45. They 
are almost half way to the Pacific coast from us, but their rate-is 
not very much less than ours. 


The Chairman—lI should like to ask one question here. In this 
locality where you live and in the country generally are there any 
complaints of the rates being too high? 

Mr. Cox—Very little, sir. 


The Chairman—The rates are generally acquiesced in by the 
shippers 


Mr. Cox—Yes, that is generally the case. I think we have had 
more complaint about the scarcity of cars during the busy season 
in the spring and fall than anything else; more than we have had 
about freight rates. We had a great dearth of furniture cars at 
one time. It takes an especially large car to get in the minimum 
weight. They issued an order at one time to send every furniture 
ear on their line to High Point, and in a matter of ten days we had 
plenty of cars. 


Senator Dolliver—You could not ask anything more than that? 


Mr. Cox—We could not ask anything more than that. I only 
give that as an illustration of their efforts to help us. I think we 
are giving them about 40 cars a day, and they can afford to do it.’’ 


Document C. 


READ! 


‘Facts and Figures for the Tax 
_ Payer 


_ The voter who is fair enough to read both sides and who is seeking the 
_ truth is invited to read and digest what follows before casting his vote on the 
third day of November next. 
The Democratic claim for good government in this state sounds much better 
when it is talked than it appears when the real figures and facts are shown 
_ and considered. The state expenses last year as shown by the Auditor’s report 
was $2,721,728.00. ‘This is more than twice what the Republicans spent their 
last year, that is, in 1898. When you charge the Democrats with this they meet 
the charge by saying that these extraordinary expenses were for schools, * 
_ charitable purposes and pensions to the old soldiers, but take care never to 
' mention the specific amounts expended for each. The reports of the Auditor 
for 1898, the last Republican year, and for 1907, the last Democratic year, show 
_ figures and facts. After giving the Democratic party credit for every dollar , 
' appropriated for school purposes of every kind, for charitable purposes of 
- every kind and for the old soldiers of every™kind, and deducting all this from 
' their grand total of expenditures, the record shows that they spent in round 
numbers about as much outside of these appropriations as the Republicans 
' spent for everything and all purposes in their last year. 
| In verification of this statement, let the reader carefully study the itemized 
statement of their expenses last year for school purposes, charitable purposes 
- and for the old soldiers, which is as follows: 


4 / 


Last Democratic Year, 1907 


; SCHOOLS 
Gia eTaIminge SCHOO! TL el bee as 8 ¢ 8,500.00 
Rete ALAOUN TOF MUBIIC Selools! 6. ie ei ears a 192,500.00 / 
Mcsa ton Tor rural libraries... ial ek bee ee ee ey 5,375.00 
) Appropriation for public high schools ...............-4+5-: Rave caikind 43,445.00 
NN gh). AGS Nays yur ec fit wl age < aot ra ua tpahas TH o’e tie ete and d's 23,990.00 
Te nee sory tS upd eso, He! a) Sued epela eee Oh wedael dia wistete 1,064.00 
‘ wanowniee Normal and Industrial School 3,052. Srey eee ee, 9,000.00 
ueterm Carolina Training School beget eee ee ey ae we 7,000.00 
| Blhanan Training School ..........- 1.0. cece ee eee eee eens 500.00 
Biindigent “CETTE Ua) aera a al aa a A er A A en 6,500.00 
N.C. Agricultural and Mechanical Gollege CGOPOMEC UST diarsine 24,400.00 
EIN. C. Agricultural and Mechanical College (white)..............4. 105,100.00 
metate Normal and, Industrial College (...0.0. 000 0g ieee baie. 95,000.00 
| University OPNOrth Carolinians ci cheek ens Rt TA AP EA aR 94,750.00 


$ 617,210.00 


e 


CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS yah : 
Mangerons insane. ei Aes ae BT TE SER dP igateee strait thc tum a baits eae te Rane ..8° 2,000.00 


North Carolina Institution for Deaf, Dumb and Blind............. 73,100.00 
North’ Garoling\Sanitarium:tor Tubereulosié ni. 4, ao wees eee ; 2,500.00 
North: Carolina ‘institute for Deaf and Dum... eer ye emcees 50,250.00 
Oxford Asylum ieolored ay ie Raa ie Se ee ke ogee Wai 6,250.00 
Oxford. Asylita \CWhIGe \ ir. ceed os bean mentee A onus tate taloast ieee neem 10,000.00 
State Hospital’ COmMISSIGHS Oss sah. pat soot ne Callas REC ee ne aD 112,300.00 
State’ Hospital: Goldsboro 22 wr wa te es ces paste hae aye ye . 65,000.00 
State Hospital, Morgantom: sic ea cod ectterieseue es a 6 iy ee een 150,000.00 
State Hospital, Raletah: 1.5 yin ote Sn Rega ene fe ese 118,438.00 

PENSIONS $ 589,838.00 
Appropriation for disabled soldiers). va yi. We ie seo ee ee Se $ 12,900.00 
POSTON) ho I Oe firs At Saneeeet ne ener ats pic ALES ONG cites pee ieee 270,269 90 
Bobdiers Home). higiait’ soe a s.0ite Take ahs lk onen e deo ere o e MRn 18,000.00 

SUMMARY $ 301,169.00 
Bahools tah. SW esl dats Gin al AN cards aden iieae, Sash cme a at Rane niea 2 $ 617,210.00 
GALT EY ois chew age. k tete uk eae te, a ea ck eaaGiaT Sr tle a chars” lace ee eee a ae $ 589,838.00 
ONG SOLMIETS CCG  ra eSteGie gain eke tesa Shei alc lode | ene eNae n Cee eee 301,169.00 


$1508,217.00 


The above shows a total expenditure for these purposes of $1,508,217.00. — 


This, deducted from total expenses of $2,721,728.00, leaves for ordinary state 
expenses, $1,213,511.00, while as a matter of fact the entire state expenses under 
the last year of the Republican administration was $1,283,971.00, which 


includes their appropriations for schools, charitable purposes and pensions. 


Now let the voter read the following statement, which shows what the Republi- 
cans spent for these purposes: 


Last Republican Year, 1898 


SCHOOLS | 
Tndigent pupils tA ey ec uh: Bib eer rk cea ke RnR ym $ 5,669.00 

Normal SCHOOLS Bi pee iidas Suede og) att We alate hie eee eae a as  leacek dcr ae a a 16,750.00, — 
N. C. Agricultural and.Mechanical College (Greensboro),.........% 18,414.00 
N. C. Agricultural and Mechanical College (Raleigh).............. 35,085.00 
State Normal and Industrial College (Greensboro)......... Sys ga ald Sig 25,000.00 
Supplemental appropriation for public schools ....-............ ».. 10,856.00 
University of North Carolimasr adic 4 den ile pail ou aid eke an Re 25,000.00 
CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS > Lane 

Department of eriminal ingame...) 2.4) ie ee ete Od. S aah Lew eee 
eastern Hospital, Goldsbora.t oxi aipaises ee tou yagi mba ones nacre SNe 40,000.00 
Worth: Carolina, Insane Asytnm (Raleigh) <5. vas shades eae ee 55,450.00 
North Carolina Institute for Deaf, Dumb and Blind (Raleigh)..... 97,500.00 
North Carolina Institute for Deaf and Dumb (Morganton)......... 55,000.00 
OxtordiOrphan ‘Asylum: (avhite) jiasw waren pees etleentien, (sane germane 10,000.00 
OxtordiOrphantAsylum, (colored); Acs Fo.) Powel ely, be ekaw erent, PRE 5,000.00 
State Hospital GMorcoamten)s i, oat edu tesa. ie ele Cen Re ea ee 90,000.00 


” $ 355,950.00 


Ee \ 
ee ee re ee ee ee 


PENSIONS 


_ Appropriation for disabled Confederate suldiers................... $ 3,960.00 
EMMI Ce Neo a She RL atte Nahe sata we hoe eC eae BOA 100,840.00 
RRMA MRIELIER I River Wet) coo sarin iets dg ve tee HE SRR bap oi eh tin A evoods TEMPEST ¢ 8,500.00 

$ 113,300.00 

SUMMARY 

EMER OLIUESOTS Oo os idly... sy ares oc kine Or eae ck ey owen et $ 355,950.00 
RUM PRe Fie eae a Lh I Re Oe PY eb el suse oe 113,300.00 
Pee HG. ed alga os eee § Loa ee oie PRLS ad SR al thks DASH rcs 137 274.00 
PE MMEMURGIUT DOSES (65.05. on ck cf aie ng ee cele Oe Coan he eis wees $ 606,524.00 
Mme reoemtLOCN ISIS boy ce) ela ay od eu RIK OS RE are kd any 1,283,971.00 
nag. iw salg vo wldhocs a ena. « 4sd\S ener oan eee ees SR a oe 606,524.00 
ME EMU TEER IGT GOS SO. a, Soc, vies oy Ss)e oe Wine e's de ad eae een di $ 677,447.00 


The $606,524.00 for schools, charitable institutions and pensions, deducted 
from their total expenses of $1,283,971.00, leaves $677,447.00 which the Repub- 
lieans spent for other state purposes outside of schools, charity and pensions, 
which is just about half of what the Democrats have spent. And yet they call 
ours bad government and theirs good. | 

The question which must occur to the voter is, what has become of this 
enormous amount of money? The answer is, it has gone to pay extr¥ officers 
who have been foisted upon the people, largely to pay political debts and in 
hundreds of other ways as may be seen by reference to a few departments and 
contrasting them. Let us look at them. 

‘The Department of Agriculture in 1898 cost $61,377.00. Last year under 
the Democrats it cost $108,719.00. Here is more than $47,000.00 increase in 
this one department. We leave to the farmers of the state to say what 
increased benefit they have derived from that enormous expenditure. 

Let us next take the Auditor’s Department, which under the last year of 
Republican rule cost $3,500.00. Last year under the Democrats it cost $6,692.00, 
a difference of $3,192.00, or nearly double. 

Next let us take the Executive Department, which under Republican rule _ 
cost $4,800.00, while under the Democrats it cost $7,091.00. 

Again, take the laborers’ pay roll around the capitol, which under Republi- 
cans amounted to $5,723.00, and under the Democrats it cost $10,271.00. 

Let us next take the legal services and expenses where the Democrats were 
giving employment to their Democratic lawyers and campaign orators. Under 
Republicans this cost $5,206.00, and last year under the Democrats it cost 
$9,375.00, or practically double. The reader will recall that the distinguished 
Democratic Speaker of the last House, who was largely instrumental in’ the 
enactment of certain legislation, was handsomely rewarded for .his legal 
services in defending the laws which he helped to enact. If to the foregoing 
had been added the expenses of the railroad litigation, it would have been 
more than $35,000.00. 

Attention is called to the care of the Governor’s mansion and grounds, 
which cost the Republicans $1,883.00, while our Democratic friends have paid 


out the sum of $3,316.00, or nearly double. It is to be noted that while 
the Republicans paid out nothing for the care of public buildings and grounds, 
the Democrats spent the sum of $6,326.00. 

The State Department under Dr. Cyrus Thompson cost $3,980.00, and last 
year under Mr. Grimes it cost $7,163.00. 

The Treasury Department under Republicans cost $6,250.00, hate) ange the 
Democrats last year it cost $9,009.00. 

The total of these items alone on the Republican side is $92,719.00, and 
on the Democratic side it is $173,622.00, For these few items alone we find 
an increase of $80,903.00, and this species of extravagance can be traced 
through every department of the state government, which explains where nearly 
$600,000.00 of the people’s taxes go, and which is more than the entire yearly 
cost of the state government under the administration of Governor Jarvis. 


The increase in these items can be better appreciated by examining the. 
following tables. The Democrats spent last year as follows: 


Aoricuttural Departimeny aii tue yy UN TAGs (Adie Sai ee Ge Aaa $ 108,719.00 © 
Auditor sepa rtment jemi hac aueulew eee ela tone watt lome  aiei ee Vertis area ee 6,692.00 
Department or Pibleovimstrnehons a iA euie waret a ame ner e ais aa nae 5,660.00 
Executive, Departmen tin vei ue Wis ielelc idee aye by ale wiiaie pian Maange ana ae 7,091.00 
Lin borers {pay Ohl eid cus titel Tis Rea oe ee Cane NO VR tine era 10,271.00 
Legal SETVLCES ls ARR SNR, AAS Und cate ly Uso aiaite gt et oh UO vd Rese 9,373.00 
Mansion and -oroumds 4. )ie eh 2 our SS Bahia sSWSHENS itv ne ial atin thea Shes een 3,316.00 
Public buildings and (OT OuUmasy rin. Lu Say pas) ctu sstlats tanya! piglet dh ek mieG me Tee ee 6,326.09 
Late Pap ACME paw late Siacy nails fe tdraital Wks gt Mile eta ae a ar nt Pe a 7,163.00 
Preasary: Depar brie mbes ee ea lh ee ect eer Ne Mee 9,009.00 


$ 173,622.00 


The Republicans spent in 1898 for the same purpose as follows: 


Agricultural Deparbmiemt cote catalan Ge eh Lisi i 2 ei a is eas ag cae $ 61,377.00 
ATIALEOr Ss GD AIVEIN ON tine! Nice Smack Cen ME ARN hes JA Ce ga _ 3,500.00 
Executive Departments. scsi.) ilelenant siti cular s Lal ak ae enti UN las oe plone < 4,800.00 
GOvErMOr S MANSON sano STONMOS LC n raat. ws a Rie cousalsits lta Biel Nady cg baren tee 1,883.00 ° 
LIB DOTEIS 7) Daye TOU Mel ce eie fiata enema Oleh Merten nh xk Ebay UM INL a oe Aksel Na Meter 5,723.00 
Legal NErVvIGes sand | CxS INSe Rid chs U ear ai oe ales kar Brshtudiate wile MAME a cI 5,206.00 - 
Phe Le year CMe TE Vi wee et MU IEN Ee ints eh Aras Tig coer ce Un a Shel nate dsk Dany el 3,980.00 
Preasnaiyn De partment) it (eras We re er eve kt a tea lin Sanaa HS ne occ gate 6,250.00 
$92,719.00 


Document D. 


Mr. Kitchin==A Ripsnorting Demagogue 


His election means ‘trouble and injury to the 
Commonwealth.”’ 


‘‘A dozen years of absolute emptiness behind 
him in Congress.’’ 


‘Will array class against class, labor against 
capital, man against man.”’ 


“A campaign reeking with slander, falsehood, 
and hypocrisy.”’ 


The above extracts are from the pen of a Democratic 
editor and a Democratic official of the present state administra- 
tion. To get their full force and meaning let the reader peruse 
the following editorial taken word for word from the editorial 
page of the Lexington Dispatch of June 10th, 1908, whose 
editor, Mr. H. B. Varner, is the present Democratic Commis- 
sioner of Labor and Printing. This is Democratic authority 
and it is submitted to the reader without dotting an i or cross- 
ing at. If these things were true in June, are they not true 
in September? and if they are true in September, will they 
not be true on the 3rd day.of November next? Mr. Voter, 
read for yourself this Democratic testimony : 

‘We deem it quite a privilege to be able to air the fact 
that Mr. William Walton Kitchin, candidate for the Demo- 
cratic nomination for Governor, has publicly proclaimed that 
the editor of the Dispatch is the biggest liar in North Carolina 
newspaperdom. We consider the expresssion so complimentary 


to us, however, that our modesty rebukes us somewhat for our 
exultation in public. Abuse from this arrogant and unscrupu- 


lous ‘abuser of all who do not fall down and worship when his 
trump sounds the call is a distinct honor, and we are pleased 
to find ourselves enrolled among his undesirables, who include 
ex-Governor Charles Brantley Aycock, a name that thrills 
the state; Senator F. M. Simmons, whom Democrats have been 
delighted to-honor; Gen. Julian 8. Carr, who stands high in 
the esteem of the people, and others whose services to the 
Democratic party and to the state count nothing with this 
-eompeer of the Low Combed Rooster of Arkansaw because, 
forsooth, they have had the unparalleled audacity to advocate 
the nomination of some other than this North Carolina 
Vardaman, this Tar Heel Heflin, this Fifth District Hoax 
Myth, with all and more of the original’s fraud and hypocrisy 
and half of his sense. | 

‘“The Dispatch has opposed Mr. Kitchin, believing and still 
believing that his nomination means disruption in the Demo- 
eratic party, and his election trouble and injury to the com- 
monwealth. Others have opposed him on the same ground. 
All such at once have become liars, scoundrels, thieves, slaves 
of corporate wealth, dishonest men who are propagating an 
accursed doctrine called sanity and conservatism for hire. The 
immediate cause of Mr. William Walton’s outburst was the 
charge, substantiated by published names, that Southern Rail- 
way attorneys were for him, despite his blatant assertion 
that the railway was fighting him; that tobacco trust employes 
weré for him, in the face of his whine that the trust was try- 
ing to crush him; that his state manager was so closely affil- 
lated with the tobacco trust that he smelled of snuff. The 
near-statesman from Person has not yet denied this. He can’t 
deny it, nor can he harmonize his assertions with these facts. 
His answer to them is: ‘You are the biggest liar in North 
Carolina newspaperdom.’ 

‘‘In the midst of a campaign reeking with slander, false- 
hood, hypocrisy and blood-curdling charges that great mon- 
sters are about to eat him alive, with a dozen years of abso- 
lute emptiness behind him in Congress, this ripsnorting dema- 
gogue turns upon a newspaper that punctured his gasbag with 
facts, and, like the ass he is, brays, ‘‘You are a liar,’’ in the 
absence of other counter-argument. 


‘This is the plane upon which a gubernatorial campaign 
has been pitched by William Walton. It is the plane of cam- 
paigns that have been pitched by Vardamans, Heflins, Davises, 
Smiths, Debses and Haywoods all over the Union, for the sake 
of gratifying cold-blooded ambition and selfish desires. It 
will be a sad day for the North Carolina Democracy when it 
places its standard, heretofore borne by statesmen, in the 
hands of this man. He will build up—the state? the party? 
only Kitchin. He will be patriotic? Sure! He loves the name 
of Kitchin so well that he tips his hat whenever he speaks it. 
He will appeal to the best in. the commonwealth and lead that 
forward and upward? No. To be United States Senator, as 
he has to be Governor, he will appeal to the worst, to the 
ignorant, to the prejudiced, to the passions, to prohibitionists 
and to anti-prohibitionists with equal ease; will array class 
against class, labor against capital, man against man, Democrat 
against Democrat, until North Carolina will sink in the esteem 
of other states to a level she has never sounded before under 
Democratic rule. With him it is rule or ruin, and if he rules 
he will ruin. It is nothing for him to drive a Democrat out 
of the party in a sentence. It is nothing to him to war on 
capital for votes. It is nothing to him to put North Carolina’s 
welfare in the balance to gain office. His nomination by the 
Democrats at Charlotte would mean the beginning of the end 
of Democratic rule in this state, for with unbridled fury he 
has assailed men who were standing like a wall for Democracy 
when he was juggling with Mary Ann Butler for Populist 
votes, for the sole reason that they are. not for him, and he is 
today undermining the defenses of the Democracy with every 
speech he makes.’’ 


rR. COX—The Business Man 
MR. KITCHIN— The Politician 


The New Bern Sun, a leading Democratic newspaper, in 
its advocacy of the nomination of Mr, Ashley Horne for Gover- 
nor, on the 18th of May last, declared that ‘‘the problems 
confronting the ‘chief executive’ during the coming adminis- 
tration will be largely financial and relating to the business 
interests of the people.’’ | 

If this Democratic assertion be true, and no one doubts 
it, then which is the better qualified to deal with the financial 
and ‘‘the business interests of the people’’—Mr. Cox, the cool- 
headed, practical, successful business man, or Mr. Kitchin, 
the professional politician with ‘‘a dozen years of absolute 
emptiness behind him in Congress’’? To which, Mr. Voter, 


do you prefer to give the management of your business? 


Document E. 


“A Dangerous Man—A Destroyer” 
“Totally Unfit For the High Office” 
“RAISING HELL ALL THE TIME” 


Mr. Voter, if you wish further Democratic evidence of the 
unfitness of Mr. Kitchin for the high office of Governor, read 
the following which is taken from the editorial page of the 
Asheville Citizen of June 9th, 1908, the leading Democratic 
newspaper of Western North Carolina. Please bear in mind 
that in this document is printed only Democratic testimony. 
If these things were true before the convention, they are true 
after the convention. Read and ponder: 


‘“Were there no other|reasons calling urgently for the 
defeat of W. W. Kitchin for the gubernatorial, nomination, we 
would certainly find it in his speech at Raleigh Thursday night. 
The man who has heretofore boasted of his democracy has 
certainly taken leave of his senses when he openly and viciously 
slanders his party and the leaders of his party. This fellow 
Kitchin is indeed a dangerous man and totally unfit for the 
high office he has sought to obtain at the sacrifice of the 
people’s interests which he swore to protect in the halls of 
Congress. ‘To satisfy an unholy appetite for political power 
he would destroy party, principles and people. He has 


entered upon a campaign of misrepresentation and _ villifica- 


‘tion beside which the basest efforts of our Republican oppo- 
_ nents. pale into insignificance. In the presence of Democrats 
he viciously attacked and slandered Simmons, Aycock and 
other men who have labored long to build up the Democracy 
of this state. | | 

A We repeat that Kitchin is a destroyer; a man who would 
never be happy in office unless he was, as The Charlotte 


Observer expresses it, ‘raising hell all the time.’. He is — 


another such man as Hoke Smith, a type which the people of 
Georgia recently repudiated with scorn and loathing. Is the 
welfare of the Democratic party to be sacrificed, to advance 
the political ambition of this gallery player? Things have 
indeed come to a pretty pass when an alleged Democrat wages 
a filthy war against men of his party. Has all sense of decency 
and honor left the Kitchin family in this wild greed for 
political pie? We think that recent events answer this 
question.’’ 


Was he Election in 1898 Stolen ? 


The Republicans for ten years have charged that it was, 
while the Democrats for ten years have denied it. In the 
recent mad scramble for the gubernatorial nomination in the 
Democratic party—in a campaign ‘‘reeking with slander, false- 
hood, hipocrisy and blood-curdling charges,’’ according to 
Editor Varner—we have the admission, the confession, and 
the truth at last from Mr. Kitchin that ‘‘the poll-holders’’ 
earried the state in 1898 and also in 1900. There igs an old 
saying that ‘‘ when thieves fall out, honest men get their dues’’. 


It seems that when Demoeratic politicians fall out the peo- - 


ple get the truth. The New Bern Sun, a Democratic paper, 
was vigorously opposed to the nomination of Mr. Kitchin 
because Mr. Kitchin declared that ‘‘poll-holders and not the 
voters carried the election in 1898 and in 1900’’. Here is an 
extract from the editorial page of the New Bern Sun of 23rd 
day of May, 1908, in which it arraigns and scores Mr. Kitchin 
for ‘‘telling tales out of school’’: 


‘But Mr. Kitchin says that Simmons and Ayeock and 
Glenn and Craig, and their able and patriotic followers, did 
not do it at all—that they do not deserve the credit and the 


7 
| 
] 
| 

a 
; 


reward, if any is to be given, The poll-holders, Mr. Kitchin 
says, did it, and if there is to be any reward it should go to 
them. This is just what the radicals have been saying, con- 
tinue to say, never tire of saying. What they mean to 
charge is that we did not carry the state in 1898—but stole it! 
We Democrats have always resented that statement when 
made by Republicans. Why should we endorse it when 


Insinuated by a Democrat? It is a serious charge. It is not 


a true charge. Whenever Republicans have made it we have 


branded it as false. It is now for the first time made by a 
Democrat, and that Democrat is a candidate for the nomina- 
tion of his party for Governor! 

“‘If we nominate him will we not have to admit the charge? 
Does the Democratic party want to nominate or elect a man 
Governor of North Carolina who in effect says the poll-holders 


and not the voters carried the election in 1898, and adopted 
the amendment in 1900? 


‘“Nominate Mr. Kitchin after this charge, and on a thous- 
and stumps in North Carolina the Republican campaign orators 
will, in the coming campaign, point the finger of scorn at us 
and say: ‘You dare not deny it, for you nominated for 
Governor the man who said it, and you stand self-confessed !’ ’’ 


And this is the same Mr. Kitchin who insults the people 
of North Carolina by declaring in his opening campaign speech 


at Wentworth that the voters might as well deposit their 


votes in the rural delivery mail boxes as in the Dallot-box, — 
meaning of course that the Democratic poll-holders and not 
the voters will carry the election in 1908 if necessary. With 
the amendment adopted, with the white man free, with the 
ery of negro domination forever hushed, how long shall Hali- 
fax methods continue to thwart the will of the people? In 
short, shall the Kitchins or the people rule in North Carolina? 
Let the voter answer in Noyember. 


\ In an aitecarded moment. the Wilmington Star, ‘the iol 

: ing Democratic newspaper of its section, in its. issue of the 
12th of September, 1908,- uttered a timely warning and oe 
“voice to the Republican idea in this campaign. Here * is. s what : 


‘it says: | | PES hy oS 


bh Tt | is time that ihe men of the coxa who hye théiy’ ee : 
energy, pluck and business qualifications are qualified to keep — 

_ the ship of state afloat and off the breakers, were taking com- — 
mand of the ship and seeing to it that she is not allowed. to 7 
be wrecked under the management of incompetent navigators, — es 
Dy ely known as professional politicians. ’’ 


i. 
“Ss 


Headquarters Republican State Executive Committee, 


Greensboro, N. C., September 22nd, 1908. 


Every person who expects to cast a vote in the coming election must register. 
and this is the last epetation by which you will be protected by the Grand- oe 
_ father Clause. x : 
So if you fail to get your name on the registration books you will be 
: _ forever barred from registration unless you can pass a rigid examination. ‘ 
So don’t fail to register and see that your name is properly put on the 
books. There was never a more important election held in North Carolina than 
the one now fronting us. The Democratic candidate for Governor is reported 
‘in the press of the State as having said in his speech at Wentworth, Rocking- _ : 
ham County, that the Republicans might as well deposit their votes in the he 
rural mail boxes as in the ballot-box. We do not believe that the Democratic _ 
poll-holders will regard this as anything short of an insult to them, to be 
_ tesented accordingly. For the honor of human nature, let us hope so. ~: 
_ It remains to be seen whether this defiant utterance and illy concealed = 
threat on the part of Mr. Kitchin will avail to suppress in even the most iy 
D riagtidden counties of the state the voice of fr eemen and the action of officials. ae 
_ chosen for their supposed high character. oe 
Attached hereto is a brief Summary of the more important points in the 
election law of our state for the guidance of our friends in matters of registra- ; 
tion, removal, and counting. 


suiteete: 


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Brief Synopsis of the North Carolina’ Election, . 
«ld as ; Amended by last Legislature, Or 


The ection: this year will be held on the third day of November and shall 
ontinue from sunrise to sunset of that Gay 


pase > eligible. i ae 

~ No one ean vote unless his name is on the Register’s books. No person who 

is a candidate for any office can be a Registrar or Judge of Election. 
K poling places shall not be changed unless upon twenty neve public. notice 


to the Senate where the county is a senatorial district, a 
under his hand and seal. | ae 
He shall also immediately notify all persons eibated to connty 0 
: meet at. the Court House 1st Monday of December to be qualified. 
On or before the fifth day after election, he shall mail the Sreakes of We 
"House of Representatives, in care of the Secretary of State, a separate state. 
ment of the votes cast in his county for the various state offices. M) ‘ 
A failure in this is made indictable and is also penalized. : 

Eleven days instead of five is given in the case of Carteret, Hyde oe Dare. 


CERTIFICATES IN SENATORIAL DISTRICTS OF MORE THAN a 
ONE COUNTY . 


The chairmen of the County Boards shall meet at the designated places in 
their senatorial districts on the 9th day after the election and after a com- 2 
parison of the polls shall judicially determine the result of the election ths 
Senators and give certificates accordingly. } 

If a majority of the chairmen are not present at the ieee an adjourn- 
ie ment shall be taken for one week and the absent parties notified by “the | 
Sheriff. ihe 


meee i Nie g Ee ee 


} 


REMOVAL OF VOTERS AND THE PERMANENT ROLL 


Removing from one precinct or ward to another in the same county within - 

four months just before the election shall not deprive a citizen of his vote; q 

but he must register and vote in the place from which he moved, not in the | 
place he came to. : att os 

A married man’s residence is where his family are, a single man’s is wastes 3 
| he sleeps. ; = 
= Any person may have a voter sworn as to his place of veaulance by the 
: ay Registrar or Judge of Election and ‘‘sworn’’ shall be marked opposite his 
name on the books. ; 
The Clerk of the Superior Court is required to give a certificate where thes 
original certificate of registration is lost that a voter removing from his county 
to another county has his name entered on the permanent roll of the county from 

which he moved, and this certificate shall be prima facie evidence of his right . 
to register and vote in the new home and the same is true where the removal 4 

is from one precinct to another in the same county. 


POLL BOOKS 


At the close of the election the J udge and Registrar shall certify over » their. 
proper signatures or a majority of them as to the’ poll books containing the 
names of every voter who that day voted and one copy of these books shall ' 


as deposited with the Register of Deeds, and one with the chairman “8 th 3 
County Board of Elections for safe keeping. ‘ci 


ie 
sf 


REGISTRATION BOOKS 


‘The Registrar is required to keep open his books for pace days ‘before 
the day for closing registration and his hours are fixed from nine o’elock 
the At until sunset, See the only excepted, 


- person on the roll, in which event the Resiutie shall mark challenged a 
eee such name and fix a time and dane to determine with the Judges G£u) 


Sores 


ot at this leaves only the one day, biitdio h intervening fled the siege 
J and the election.) The act moreover allows a challenge to be made ‘‘at 
a any time other than that above specified’’ and if the challenge is sustained the 
| egistrar is required to erase the name from his book. 


* HOW CHALLENGES ARE HEARD 


Raia proves his identity and residence by the oath of at saad one elector, 
an oath shall be _tendered him, setting forth his citizenship and identity and 
that he has not voted at any other polling place in this election. If he refuses 
this oath, his vote is rejected. If he shall take the oath, his vote shall be 
| eccived unless the Judges and cham ee the oath of other witnesses are 


Ml the challenge is decided. 


aaerd 


The voter can deposit his own ballot or allow the codecs or Registrar to 
posit = for him. . 


ne _ * WHAT TICKET TO CONTAIN e 
‘The state. officers Ae candidates for Judgeships shall be on one tickets, 
sidential Electors on one. Solicitors, Members of Legislature and all 


uty officers on one. Township officers on one. 


HOW VOTES ARE COUNTED 


: and cot of his identity shail be entitled i a duplicate receipt. 


TAX RECEIPTS WITHOUT PAYMENT ~ 


falsely date a receipt or a duplicate, he is guilty of a misdemeanor, 

in the discretion of the Court. In addition to these provisions the 

it competent for the Judges of Election and Registrar to cee any 
to vote upon his ee the following oath: 


section our of the donetiuen: of North Carolina. 


Address 


William H. Taft: 
Notification Speech 


at 


Cincinnati, Ohio 


July 28, 1908 


2a 
i 


ar 


 ~Address of William H. Taft 


Senator Warner and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

I am deeply sensible of the honor which the Republican National 
Convention has conferred on me in the nomination which you for- 
mally tender. I accept it with full appreciation of the responsibility 
it imposes. | 


Republican Strength in Maintenance of Roosevelt Policies. 

Gentlemen, the strength of the Republican cause in the campaign 
at hand is in the fact that we represent the policies essential to the 
reform of known abuses, to the continuance of liberty and true pros- 
perity, and that we are determined, as our platform unequivocally 
declares, to maintain them and carry them on. For more than ten 
years this country passed through an epoch of material development 
far beyond any that ever occurred in the world before: In its course, 
certain evils crept in. Some prominent and influential members of 
the community, spurred by financial success and in their hurry for 
greater wealth, became unmindful of the common rules of business 


honesty and fidelity and of the limitations imposed by law upon their 


- action. This became known. The revelations of the breaches of 


trust, the disclosures as to rebates and discriminations by railways, 
the accumulating evidence of the violation of the anti-trust law by a 
number of corporations, the overissue of stocks and bonds on inter- 
state railways for the unlawful enriching of directors and for the 
purpose of concentrating control of railways in one management, all 
quickened the conscience of the people, and brought on a moral awak- 


ening among them that boded well for the future of the country. 


What Roosevelt Has Done. 

The man who formulated the expression of the popular con- 
science and who led the movement for practical reform was Theo- 
dore Roosevelt. He laid down the doctrine that the rich violator of 
the law should be as amenable to restraint and punishment as the 
offender without wealth and without influence, and he proceeded by © 
recommending legislation and directing executive action to make: 
that principle good in actual performance. He secured the passage 
of the so-called rate bill, designed more effectively to restrain ex- 


cessive and fix reasonable rates, and to punish secret rebates and dis- 


criminations which had been general in the practice of the railroads, 
and which had done much to enable unlawful trusts to drive 


4 


out of business their competitors, It secured much closer supervision 
of railway transactions and brought within the operation of the same 
statute express companies, sleeping car companies, fast freight and 
refrigerator lines, terminal railroads and pipe lines, and in order to 
avoid undue discrimination, forbade in future the combination of 
the transportation and shipping business under one control. 

President Roosevelt directed suits to be brought and prosecutions 
to be instituted under the anti-trust law, to enforce its provisions 
against the most powerful of the industrial corporations. He pressed 
to passage the pure food law and the meat inspection law in the inter- 
est of the health of the public, clean business methods and great 
ultimate benefit to the trades themselves. He recommended the 
passage of a law, which the Republican convention has since spe- 
cifically approved, restricting the future issue of stocks and bonds by 
interstate railways to such as may be authorized by Federal author- 
ity. He demonstrated to the people by what he said, by what he 
recommended to Congress, and by what he did, the sincerity of his 
efforts to command respect for the law, to secure equality of all 
before the law, and to save the country from the dangers of a pluto- 
cratic government, toward which we were fast tending. In this 
work Mr. Roosevelt has had the support and sympathy of the Re- 
publican party, and its chief hope of success in the present contro- 
versy must rest on the confidence which the people of the country 
have in the sincerity of the party’s declaration in its platform, that 
it intends to continue his policies. 


Necessary to Devise Some Means of Permanently Securing 
Progress Made. 


Mr, Roosevelt has set high the standard of business morality and 


obedience to law. The railroad rate bill was more useful possibly 
in the immediate moral effect of its passage than even in the legal 
effect of its very useful provisions. From its enactment dates the 
voluntary abandonment of the practice of rebates and discriminations 
by the railroads and the return by their managers to obedience to 
law in the fixing of tariffs. The pure food and meat inspection laws 
and the prosecutions directed by the President under the anti-trust 
law have had a similar moral effect in the general business com- 
munity and have made it now the common practice for the great 
industrial corporations to consult the law with a view to keeping 
within its provisions. It has also had the effect of protecting and en- 
couraging smaller competitive companies so that they have been 
enabled to do a profitable business. 

But we should be blind to the ordinary working of human nature 
if we did not recognize that the moral standard set by President 


a a 


5 


Roosevelt will not continue to be observed by those whom cupidity 
and a desire for financial power may tempt, unless the requisite ma- 
chinery is introduced into the law which shall in its practical opera- 
tion maintain these standards and secure the country against a 
departure from them. 


Chief Function of Next Administration to Clinch What Has 
Been Done. 

The chief function of the next Administration, in my judg- 
ment, is distinct from. and a progressive development of that which 
has been performed by President Roosevelt. The chief function of 
the next Administration is to complete and perfect the machinery by 
which these standards may be maintained, by which the law- 
breakers may be promptly restrained and punished, but which 
Shall operate with sufficient accuracy and dispatch to interfere 
with legitimate business as little as possible. Such machinery is not 
now adequate. Under the present rate bill, and under all its amend- 
ments, the burden of the Interstate Commerce Commission in super- 
vising and regulating the operation of the railroads of this country 
has grown so heavy that it is utterly impossible for that tribunal to 
hear and dispose, in any reasonable time, of the many complaints, 
queries and issues that are brought before it for decision. It ought 
to be relieved of its jurisdiction as an executive, directing body, and 
its functions should be limited to the quasi-judicial investigation of 
complaints made by individuals and made by a department of the 
Government charged with the executive business of supervising the 
operation of railways. | 

There should he a ciassification of that very small percentage of 
industrial corporations having power and opportunity to effect illegal 
restraints of trade and monopolies, and legislation either inducing or 
compelling them to subject themselves to registry and to proper 
publicity regulations and supervision of the Department of Com- 
merce and Labor. 


Constructive Work of Next Administration to Organize Subor- 
dinate and Ancillary Machinery to Maintain Standards 
on One Hand, and Not to Interfere With 
Business on the Other. 

The field covered by the industrial combinations and by the rail- 
toads is so very extensive that the interests of the public and the 
interests of the businesses concerned cannot be properly subserved 
except by reorganization of bureaus in the Department of Commerce 
and Labor, of Agriculture, and the Department of Justice, and a 
change in the jurisdiction of the Interstate Commerce Commission. 


* 


6 
It does not assist matters to prescribe new duties for the Interstate 
Commerce Commission which it is practically impossible for it to 


perform, or to denounce new offenses with drastic punishment, 
unless subordinate and ancillary legislation shall be passed making 


possible the quick enforcement in the great variety of cases which 


are constantly arising, of the principles laid down by Mr. Roosevelt, 
and with respect to which only typical instances of prosecution with 
the present machinery are possible. Such legislation should and 
would greatly promote legitimate business by enabling those anxious 
to obey the Federal statutes to know just what are the bounds of 
their lawful action. The practical constructive and difficult work, 
therefore, of those who follow Mr. Roosevelt is to devise the ways 
and means by which the high level of business integrity and 
obedience to law which he has established may be maintained and 


departures from it restrained without undue interference with legiti- _ 


mate business. 


Railway Traffic Agreements Approved by Commission 
Should Be Valid. 

It is agreeable to note in this regard that the Republican platform 
expressly and the Democratic platform impliedly, approve an amend- 
ment to the Interstate Commerce law, by which interstate railroads 
may make useful traffic agreements if approved by the Commission. 
This has been strongly recommended by President Roosevelt and 
will make for the benefit of the business. - 


Physical Valuation of Railways. 

Some of the suggestions of the Democratic platform relate really 
to this subordinate and ancillary machinery to which I ‘have referred: 
Take for instance the so-called “physical valuation of railways.” It 
is clear that the sum of all rates or receipts of a railway, less proper 
expenses, should be limited to a fair profit upon the reasonable value 
of its property, and that if the sum exceeds this measure, it ought to 
be reduced. The difficulty in enforcing the principle is in ascertain- 
ing what is the reasonable value of the company’s property, and in 
fixing what is a fair profit. It is clear that the physical value of a 
railroad and its plant is an element to be given weight in determining 
its full value ; but, as President Roosevelt, in his Indianapolis speech, 
and the Supreme Court have in effect pointed out, the value of the 
railroad as a going concern, including its good will, due to efficiency 


of service and many other circumstances, may be much greater than 


the value of its tangible property, and it is the former that measures 
the investment on which a fair profit must be allowed. Then, too, 


the question what is a fair profit is one involving not only the rate 


7 


of interest usually earned on normally safe investments, but also a 
sufficient allowance to make up for the risk of loss both of capital 
and interest in the original outlay. These considerations will have 
justified the company in imposing charges high enough to secure a 
fair income on the enterprise as a whole. The securities at market 
prices will have passed into the hands of subsequent purchasers from 
the original investors. Such circumstances should properly affect 
the decision of the tribunal engaged in determining whether the 
totality of rates charged is reasonable or excessive. To ignore them 
might so seriously and unjustly impair settled values as to destroy 
all hope of restoring confidence and forever to end the inducement 
for investment in new railroad construction which, in returning 
_ prosperous times, is sure to be essential to our material progress. As 
Mr. Roosevelt has said in speaking of this very subject: 

“The effect of such valuation and supervision of securities can 
not be retroactive. Existing securities should be tested by laws in 
existence at the time of their issue. This Nation would no more 
injure securities which have become an important part of the Na- 
tional wealth than it would consider a proposition to repudiate the 
National debt.” 

The question of rates and the treatment of railways is one that 
has two sides. The shippers are certainly entitled to reasonable 
rates ; but less is an injustice to the carriers. Good business for the 
railroads is essential to general prosperity. Injustice to them is not 
alone injustice to stockholders and capitalists, whose further invest- 
ments may be necessary for the good of the whole country, but it 
directly affects and reduces the wages of railway employees, and 
indeed may deprive them of their places entirely. 

From what has been said, the proper conclusion would seem to be 
that in attempting to determine whether the entire schedule of rates 
of a railway is excessive, the physical valuation of the road is a 
relevant and important but not necessarily a controlling factor. 


eae Valuation Properly Used Will Not Siac Ny 
Impair Securities. 

_I am confident that the fixing of rates on the principles suggested 
above would not materially impair the present market values of rail- 
road securities in most cases, for I believe that the normal increase 
in the value of railroad properties, especially. in their terminals, will 
more than make up for the possible overcapitalization in earlier 
years. In some cases, doubtless, it will be found that overcapitaliza- 
tion is made an excuse for excessive rates, and then they should 
be reduced; but the consensus of opinion seems to be that the rail- 
road rates generally in this country are reasonably low. This is 


8 


why, doubtless, the complaints filed with the Interstate Commierce 
Commission against excessive rates are so few as compared with 
those against unlawful discrimination in rates between shippers and 
between places. Of course, in the determination of the question 
whether discrimination is unlawful or not, the physical valuation of 
the whole road is of little weight. 


Conclusion That There Should Be Physical Valuation. 

I have discussed this, with some degree of detail, merely to point 
out that the valuation by the Interstate Commerce Commission of the 
tangible property of a railroad is proper and may from time to time 
be necessary in settling certain issues which may come before them, 
and that no evil or injustice can come from valuation in such cases, 
if it be understood that the result is to be used for a just purpose, 
and the right to a fair profit under all the circumstances of the in- 
vestment is recognized. The Interstate Commerce Commission has 
now the power to ascertain the value of the physical railroad prop- 
erty, if necessary, in determining the reasonableness of rates. If 
the machinery for doing so is not adequate, as is probable, it should 
be made so. | 

The Republican platform recommends legislation forbidding the 
issue in the future of interstate railway stocks and bonds without 
Federal authority. It may occur in such cases that the full value 
of the railway, and, as an element thereof, the value of the tangible 
property of the railway, would be a relevant and important factor in 
assisting the proper authority to determine whether the stocks and 
bonds to be issued were to have proper security behind them, and in 
such case, therefore, there should be the right and machinery to 
make a valuation of the physical property. 


National Control of Interstate Commerce Corporations. 

Another suggestion in respect to subordinate and ancillary ma- 
chinery necessary to carry out Republican policies is that of the in- , 
corporation under National law or the licensing by National license 
or enforced registry of companies engaged in interstate trade. The 
fact is that nearly all corporations doing a commercial business 
are engaged in interstate commerce, and if they all were required to 
take out a Federal license or a Federal charter, the burden upon the 
interstate business of the country would become intolerable. | 


Should Be Limited to Small Percentage by Classification. 

It is necessary, therefore, to devise some means for classifying 
and insuring Federal supervision of such corporations as have the 
power and temptation to effect restraints of interstate trade and 


eee 


Y 


monopolies. Such corporations constitute a very small percentage 
of all engaged in interstate business. 


Mr. Roosevelt’s Proposed Classification. 
With such classification in view, Mr. Roosevelt recommended an 
amendment to the anti-trust law, known as the Hepburn bill, which 


_ provided for voluntary classification, and created a strong motive 


therefor by granting immunity from prosecution for reasonable re- 
straints of interstate trade to all corporations which would register 
and submit themselves to the publicity regulations of the Depart- 


_ment of Commerce and Labor. 


The Democratic Proposed Classification. 

The Democratic platform suggests a requirement that corpora- 
tions in interstate trade having control of 25 per cent. of the prod- 
ucts in which they deal shall take out a Federal license. This classi- 
fication would probably include a great many small corporations en- 


_ gaged in the manufacture of special articles, or commodities whose 


total value is so inconsiderable that they are not really within the 
purview or real intent of the anti-trust law. 

It is not now necessary, however, to discuss the relative merit of 
such propositions, but it is enough merely to affirm the necessity for 
some method by which greater executive supervision can be given to 
the Federal Government over those businesses in which there is a 


temptation to violations of the anti-trust law. 


Construction of Anti-Trust Law.—Possible Necessity 
for Amendment. 

The possible operation of the anti-trust law under existing rul- 
ings of the Supreme Court has given rise to suggestions for its nec- 
essary amendment to prevent its application to cases which it is 
believed were never in the contemplation of the framers of the stat- 


ute. Take two instances: A merchant or manufacturer engaged in 
a legitimate business that covers certain States, wishes to sell his 


business and his good will, and so in the terms of the sale obligates 


himself to the purchaser not to go into the same business in those 


States. Such a restraint of trade has always Leen enforced at com- 
mon law. Again, the employees of an interstate railway combine 


and enter upon a peaceable and lawful strike to secure better wages. 


At common law this was not a restraint of trade or commerce or a 


violation of the rights of the company or of the public. Neither case 


2 


ought to be made a violation of the anti-trust law. My own im- 
pression is that the Supreme Court would hold that neither of these 
instances is within its inhibition, but, if they are to be so regarded, 


general legislation amending the law is necessary. 


10 


Democratic Plank to Limit Corporations to Ownership of 
50 Per Cent. of Plant and Product Faulty. 


The suggestion of the Democratic platform that trusts be ended 


by forbidding corporations to hold more than 50 per cent. of the - 


plant in any line of manufacture is made without regard to the pos- 
sibility of enforcement or the real evil in trusts. A corporation 
controlling 45 or 50 per cent. of the products may by well known 
methods frequently effect monopoly and stamp out competition in 
_ a part of the country as completely as if it controlled 60 or 70 per 
cent. thereof. 


Compulsory fale of Products at Fixed Price Impractical. 


The proposal to compel every corporation to sell its commodities 


at the same price the country over, allowing for transportation, is’ 
utterly impracticable. If it can be shown that in order to drive out 
competition, a corporation owning a large part of the plant produc- - 


ing an article is selling in one part of the country, where it has com- 
petitors, at a low and unprofitable price, and in another part of the 


country, where it has none, at an exorbitant price, this is evidence ~ 


that it is attempting an unlawful monopoly, and justifies conviction 
under the anti-trust law; but the proposal to supervise the business 
of corporations in such a way as to fix the price of commodities and 


compel the sale at such price is as absurd and socialistic a plank as — 


was ever inserted in a Democratic political platform. 


Difference Between Republican and Democratic Policies and 
Platforms: Former Progressive and Regulative; 
Latter Radical and Destructive. 7 


The chief difference between the Republican and the Democratic. 
platforms is the difference which has heretofore been seen between — 


the policies of Mr. Roosevelt and those which have been advocated 
by the Democratic candidate, Mr. Bryan. Mr. Roosevelt’s policies 
have been progressive and regulative; Mr. Bryan’s destructive. Mr. 
Roosevelt has favored regulation of the business in which evils have 


grown up so as to stamp out the evils and permit the business to ~ 


continue. The tendency of Mr. Bryan’s proposals has generally 
been destructive of the business with respect to which he is demand- 
ing reform. Mr. Roosevelt would compel the trusts to conduct their 


business in a lawful manner and secure the benefits of their operation 


and the maintenance of the prosperity of the country of which they 
are an important part; while Mr. Bryan would extirpate and destroy 


the entire business in order to stamp out the evils which they have 


practiced. 


Lt 


Advantage of Combination of Capital. 
The combination of capital in large plants’to manufacture goods 


_with the greatest economy is just as necessary as the assembling of 


the parts of a machine to the economical and more rapid manufac- 
piure Of what in old times was made by hand. The Government 
should not interfere with one any more than the other, when 
such aggregations of capital are legitimate and are properly con- 
trolled, for they are then the natural results of modern enterprise 
and are beneficial to the public. In the proper operation of compe- 
tition the public will soon share with the manufacturer the advantage 


in economy of operation and lower prices. 


What Is an Unlawful Trust? 

When, however, such combinations are not based on any eco- 
nomic principle but are made merely for the purpose of controlling 
the market, to maintain or raise prices, restrict output and drive out 
competitors, the public derives no benefit and we have a monopoly. 
There must be some use by the company of the comparatively great 
size of its capital and plant and extent of its output, either to coerce 


‘persons to buy of it rather than of some competitor or to coerce 


those who would compete with it to give up their business. There 


_ must usually, in other words, be shown an element of duress in the 
* conduct of its business toward the customers in the trade and its 


competitors before mere aggregation of capital or plant becomes an 


unlawful monopoly. It is perfectly conceivable that in the interest 


of economy of production a great number of plants may be legiti- 
mately assembled under the ownership of one corporation. It is 


important, therefore, that such large aggregations of capital and 
combination should be controlled so that the public may have the 


_ advantage of reasonable prices and that the avenues of enterprise 


i oy. s- . ha 


may be kept open to the individual and the smaller corporation wish- 
ing to engage in business. 


Mere Aggregation of Capital Not a Violation of Anti-Trust Law. 


bal | i 7 


‘ia? 


In a country like this, where, in good times, there is an enormous 
floating capital awaiting investment, the period before which effec- 


_ tive competition, by construction of new plants, can be introduced 
into any business, is comparatively short, rarely exceeding a year, 


and is usually even less than that. Existence of actual plant is not, 
_ therefore, necessary to potential competition. Many enterprises 
have been organized on the theory that mere aggregation of all, or 
nearly all, existing plants in a line of manufacture, without regard 
to economy of production, destroys competition. They have, most 
of them, gone into bankruptcy. Competition in a profitable business 


12 


will not be affected by the mere aggregation of many existing plants 
under one company, unless the company thereby effects great econ- 
omy, the benefit of which it shares with the public, or takes some 
illegal method to avoid competition and to perpetuate a hold on the 
business. 


Proper Treatment of Trusts. 


Unlawful trusts should be restrained with all the efficiency of 
injunctive process, and the persons engaged in maintaining them 
should be punished with all the severity of criminal prosecution, in 
order that the methods pursued in the operation of their business 
shall be brought within the law. To destroy them and to eliminate 
the wealth they represent from the producing capital of the country 
would entail enormous loss, and would throw out of employment 
myriads of workingmen and working women. Such a result is 


wholly unnecessary to the accomplishment of the needed reform, 


and will inflict upon the innocent far greater punishment than upon 
the guilty. 


Destructive Policy of Democratic Platform. 


The Democratic platform does not propose to destroy the plants 
of the trusts physically, but it proposes to do the same thing in a 
different way. The business of this country is largely dependent on 
a protective system of tariffs. The business done by many of the 
so-called “trusts” is protected with the other businesses of the 
country. The Democratic platform proposes to take off the tariff 
on all articles coming into competition with those produced by the 
so-called “trusts,” and to put them on the free list. If such a course 
would be utterly destructive of their business, as is intended, it 
would not only destroy the trusts, but all of their smaller compet- 


itors. The ruthless and impracticable character of the proposition . 


grows plainer as its effects upon the whole community are realized. 


Effect of Democratic Plans on Business. 


To take the course suggested by the Democratic platform in 
these matters is to involve the entire commynity, innocent as it is, in 
the punishment of the guilty, while our policy is to stamp out the 
specific evil. This difference between the policies of the two great 
parties is of especial importance in view of the present condition of 
business. After ten years of the most remarkable material devel- 
opment and prosperity, there came a financial stringency, a panic 
and an industrial depression. This was brought about not only by 
the enormous expansion of business plants and business investments 
which could not be readily converted, but also by the waste of capital, 


e 


' 
~~ 


13 


in extravagance of living, in wars and other catastrophes, The free 
convertible capital was exhausted. In addition to this, the con- 
fidence of the lending public in Europe and in this country had been 
affected by the revelations of irregularity, breaches of trust, over- 
issues of stock, violations of law, and lack of rigid State or National 
supervision in the management of our largest corporations. Invest- 
ors withheld what loanable capital remained available. It became 
impossible for the soundest railroads and other enterprises to bor- 


“row money enough for new construction or reconstruction. 


Will Delay Restoration of Prosperity. 

Gradually business is acquiring a healthier tone. Gradually all 
wealth which was hoarded is coming out to be used. Confidence in 
security of business investments is a plant of slow growth and is 
absolutely necessary in order that our factories may all open again, 
in order that our unemployed may become employed, and in order 


that we may again have the prosperity which blessed us for ten 


years. The identity of the interests of the capitalist, the farmer, the 
business man and the wage earner in the security and profit of in- 
vestments cannot be too greatly emphasized. I submit to those 
most interested, to wage earners, to farmers and to business men, 
whether the introduction into power of the Democratic party, with 
Mr. Bryan at its head, and with the business destruction that it openly 
advocates as a remedy for present evils, will bring about the needed 
confidence for the restoration of prosperity. 


Republican Doctrine of Protection. 
The Republican doctrine of protection, as definitely announced 
by the Republican convention of this year and by previous conven- 
tions, is ‘that a tariff shall be imposed on all imported products, 


whether of the factory, farm or mine, sufficiently great to equal the 


difference between the cost of production abroad and at home, and 


that this difference should, of course, include the difference between 
‘the higher wages paid in this country and the wages paid abroad 


and embrace a reasonable profit to the American producer. A sys- 
tem of protection thus adopted and put in force has led to the es- 
tablishment of a rate of wages here that has greatly enhanced the 
standard of living of the laboring man. It is the policy of the Re- 
publican party permanently to continue that standard of living. In 
1897 the Dingley Tariff Bill was passed, under which we have had, 


as already said, a period of enormous prosperity. 


Rae oe re 
’ y ? > 


Necessity for Revision of Tariff. 
The consequent material development has greatly changed the 
conditions under which many articles described by the schedules 


t4 


of the tariff are now produced. The tariff in a number of the sched- 
ules exceeds the difference between the cost of production of such 
articles abroad and at home, including a reasonable profit to the 
American producer. The excess over that difference serves no use- 
ful purpose, but offers a temptation to those who would monopolize — 
the production and the sale of such articles in this country, to profit 
by the excessive rate. On the other hand, there are some few other 
schedules in which the tariff is not sufficiently high to give the 
measure of protection which they should receive upon Republican 
principles, and as to those the tariff should be raised. A revision 
of the tariff undertaken upon this principle, which is at the basis of 
our present business system, begun promptly upon the incoming of 
the new administration, and considered at a special session with the 
preliminary investigations already begun by the appropriate com- 
mittees of the House and Senate, will make the disturbance of 
business incident to such a change as little as possible. 


Democratic Tariff Plan and Its Bad Effect on Business 
Conditions. 

The Democratic party in its platform has not had the courage of 
its previous convictions on the subject of the tariff, denounced by it 
in 1904 as a System of the robbery of the many for the benefit of the 
few, but it does declare its intention to change the tariff with a view 
to reaching a revenue basis and thus to depart from the protective 
system. The introduction into power of a party with this avowed 
purpose cannot but halt the gradual recovery from our recent finan- 
cial depression and produce business disaster compared with which 
our recent panic and depression will seem small indeed. 


The Farmer and the Republican Party. 

As the Republican platform says, the welfare of the farmer is 
vital to that of the whole country. One of the strongest hopes of 
returning prosperity is based on the business which his crops are 
to afford. He is vitally interested in the restraining of excessive 
and unduly discriminating railroad rates, in the enforcement of the 
pure food laws, in the promotion of scientific agriculture, and in in- 
creasing the comforts of country life, as by the extension of free 
Rural Delivery. The policies of the present Administration, which 
have most industriously promoted all these objects, cannot fail to 
commend themselves to his approval; and it is difficult to see how 
with his intelligent appreciation of the threat to business prosperity 
involved in Democratic success at the polls he can do otherwise than 
give his full and hearty support to the continuation of the policies of 
the present Administration under Republican auspices. 


14 


Labor and What the Republican Party Has Done for It. 
We come now to the question of labor. One important phase of 
the policies of the present Administration has been an anxiety to se- 
cure for the wage earner an equality of opportunity and such positive 
statutory protection as shall place-him on a level in dealing with his 
employer. The Republican party has passed an employers’ liability 
act for interstate railroads, and has established an eight hour law for 
government employees and on government construction. The es- 
sence of the reform effected by the former is the abolition of the fel- 
- low-servant rule, and the introduction of the comparative negligence 
theory by which an employee injured in the service of his employer 
does not lose all his right to recover because of slight negligence on 
his part. Then there is the act providing for compensation for in- 
‘jury to government employees, together with the various statutes re- 
quiring safety appliances upon interstate commerce railroads for 
the protection of their employees, and limiting the hours of their 
employment. These are all instances of the desire of the Republican 
party to do justice to the wage earner. Doubtless a more compre- 
hensive measure for compensation of government employees will be 
adopted in the future; the principle in such cases has been recog- 
nized, and in the necessarily somewhat slow course of legislation will 
be more fully embodied in definite statutes. 


Interest of Employer and Employee Only Differ in -Respect 
to Terms of Employment. 

The interests of the employer and the employee never differ 
except when it comes to a division of the joint profit of labor and 
capital into dividends and wages. This must be a constant source 
of periodical discussion between the employer and the employee, as 
indeed are the other terms of the employment. 


Advantage of Union. 

To give to employees their proper position in such a controversy, 
to enable them to maintain themselves against employers having 
great capital, they may well unite, because in union there is strength 
and without. it-each individual laborer and employee would be help- 
less. The promotion of industrial peace through the instrumentality 
of the trade agreement is often one of the results of such union 
when intelligently conducted. 


Other Labor. 

There is a large body of laborers, however, skilled and unskilled, 
who are not organized into unions. Their rights before the law are 
exactly the same as those of the union men, and are to be protected 
with the same care and watchfulness, 


16 
Rights of Labor. 


In order to induce their employer into a compliance with their 
request for changed terms of employment, workmen have the right 
to strike in a body. They have a right to use such persuasion as 
they may, provided it does not reach the point of duress, to lead 
their reluctant co-laborers to join them in their union against their 
employer, and they have a right, if they choose, to accumulate funds 
to support those engaged in a strike, to delegate to officers the power 
to direct the action of the union, and to withdraw themselves and 
their associates from dealings with, or giving custom to those with 
whom they are in controversy. 


What Labor Can Not Lawfully Do. 


What they have not the right to do is to injure theif employer’s 
property, to injure their employer’s business by use of threats or 
methods of physical duress against those who would work for him, 
or deal with him, or by carrying on what is sometimes known as a 
secondary boycott against his customers or those with whom he 
deals in business. All those who sympathize with them may unite 
to aid them in their struggle, but they may not through the instru- 
mentality of a threatened or actual boycott compel third persons 
against their will and having no interest in their controversy to come 
to their assistance. These principles have for a great many years 
been settled by the courts of this country. 

Threatened unlawful injuries to business, like those described 
above, can only be adequately remedied by an injunction to prevent 
them. The jurisdiction of a court of equity to enjoin in such cases 
arises from the character of the injury and the method of inflicting 
it and the fact that suit for damages offers no adequate remedy. The 
unlawful injury is not usually done by one single act, which might 
be adequately compensated for in damages by a suit at law, but it is 
the result of a constantly recurring series of acts, each of which in 
itself might not constitute a substantial injury or make a suit at 
law worth while, and all of which would require a multiplicity of 
suits at law. Injuries of this class have since the foundation of 
courts of equity been prevented by injunction. 

It has been claimed that injunctions do not issue to protect any- 
thing but property rights, and that business is not a property right; 
but such a proposition is wholly inconsistent with all the decisions of 
the courts. The Supreme Court of the United States says that the 
injunction is a remedy to protect property or rights of a pecuniary 
nature, and we may well submit to the considerate judgment of all 
laymen whether the right of a man in his business is not as dis- 


+ 


: 


F y 
tinctly a right of a pecuniary nature as the right to his horse or his 
house or the stock of goods on his shelf; and the instances in which 
injunctions to protect business have been upheld by all courts are so 
many that it is futile further to discuss the proposition. 
It is difficult to tell the meaning of the Democratic platform upon 
this subject. It says: 
“Questions of judicial practice have arisen especially in connec- 
tion with industrial disputes. We deem that the parties to all judi- 
cial proceedings should be treated with rigid impartiality, and that 


‘injunctions should not be issued in any cases in which injunctions 


would not issue if no industrial dispute were involved.” 

This declaration is disingenuous. It seems to have been loosely 
drawn with the especial purpose of rendering it susceptible to one 
interpretation by one set of men and to a diametrically opposite in- 
terpretation by another. It does not aver that injunctions should 
not isstie in industrial disputes, but only that they should not issue 
merely because they are industrial disputes, and yet those responsible 
for the declaration must have known that no one has ever main- 
tained that the fact that a dispute was industrial gave any basis for 
issuing an injunction in reference thereto. 

The declaration seems to be drawn in its present vague and am- 


_ biguous shape in order to persuade some people that it is a declara- 
_ tion against the issuing of injunctions in any industrial dispute, while 


at the same time it may be possible to explain to the average plain 
citizen who objects to class distinctions that no such intention exists 
at all. Our position is clear and unequivocal. We are anxious to 


prevent even an appearance of any injustice to labor in the issuance 


_ of injunctions, not in a spirit of favoritism to one set of our fellow 


citizens, but of justice to all of our fellow citizens. The reason for 
exercising or refusing to exercise the power of injunction must be 
found in the character of the unlawful injury and not in the charac- 


ter or class of the persons who inflict this injury. 


The man who has a business which is being unlawfully injured 
is entitled to the remedies which the law has always given him,. no 


- matter who has inflicted the injuries. Otherwise, we shall have class 


legislation unjust in principle and likely to sap the foundations of a 


_ free government. 


Notice and Hearing Before Issue of Injunction. 
I come now to the question of notice before issuing an injunction. 


It is a fundamental rule of general jurisprudence that no man shall 


be affected by a judicial proceeding without notice and hearing. 
This rule, however, has sometimes had an exception in the issuing 


of temporary restraining orders commanding a defendant in effect 


ia 


to maintain the status quo until a hearing. Such a process should 
issue Only in rare cases where the threatened change of the status 
quo would inflict irreparable injury if time were taken to give notice 
and a summary hearing. The unlawful injury usual in industrial. 
disputes, such as I have described, does not become formidable ex- 
cept after sufficient time in which to give the defendants notice and 
a hearing. I do not mean to say that there may not be cases even in 
industrial disputes where a restraining order might properly be 
issued without notice, but, generally, I think it is otherwise. In some 
State courts, and in fewer Federal courts, the practice of issuing a 
temporary restraining order without notice merely to preserve the 
status quo on the theory that it won’t hurt anybody, has been too 
common. Many of us recall that the practice has been pursued in 
_ other than industrial disputes, as, for instance, in corporate and 
stock controversies like those over the Erie Railroad, in which a 
stay order without notice was regarded as a step of great advantage 
to the one who secured it, and a corresponding disadvantage to the 
One against whom it was secured. Indeed, the chances of doing 
injustice on an ex parte application are much increased over those 
when a hearing is granted, and there may be circumstances under 
which it may affect the defendant to his detriment. In the case of a 
lawful strike, the sending of a formidable document restraining a 
number of defendants from doing a great many different things 
which the plaintiff avers they are threatening to do, often so dis- 
courages men always reluctant to go into a strike from continuing 
what is their lawful right. This has made the laboring man feel that 
an injustice is done in the issuing of a writ without notice. I con- 
ceive that in the treatment of this question it is the duty of the cit- 
izen and the legislator to view the subject from the standpoint of 
the man who believes himself to be unjustly treated, as well as from 
that of the community at large. I have suggested the remedy of re- 
turning in such cases to the original practice under the old statute 
of the United States and the rules in equity adopted by the Supreme 
~ Court, which did not permit the issuing of an injunction without no- 
tice. In this respect, the Republican Convention has adopted an- 
other remedy, that, without going so far, promises to be efficacious 
in securing proper consideration in such cases by courts, by formu- 
lating into a legislative act the best present practice. 

Under this recommendation, a statute may be framed which shall 
define with considerable particularity, and emphasize the exceptional 
character of the cases in which restraining orders may issue without 
notice, and which shall also provide that when they are issued, they 
shall cease to be operative beyond a short period, during which time 


ty, a eredindén le St ” 
eee el cee OS ds 


CSE a a ee ee, 


SE eS Le ee ee 


i ad 


19 


“notice shall be served and a hearing had unless the defendant desires 


a postponement of the hearing. By this provision the injustice 
which has sometimes occurred by which a preliminary restraining 
order of widest application has been issued without notice, and the 
hearing of the motion for the injunction has been fixed weeks and 
months after its date, could not recur. 


Small Number of Cases Furnishing Grounds for Complaint 
in Federal Court. 
The number of instances in which restraining orders without 


“notice in industrial disputes have issued by Federal courts is small, 


‘and it is urged that they do not therefore constitute an evil to be 
remedied by statutory amendment. The small number of cases 
complained of above shows the careful manner in which most Fed- 
eral judges have exercised the jurisdiction, but the belief that such 
cases are numerous has been so widespread and has aroused such 


' feeling of injustice that more definite specification in procedure to 


" prevent recurrence of them is justified if it can be effected without 
injury to the administration of the law. 


No Provision in Democratic Platform as to Notice; Only 
Recommendation Trial by Jury. 
With respect to notice, the Democratic platform contains no rec- 


-ommendation. Its only intelligible declaration in regard to ‘injunc- 
' tion suits is a reiteration of the plank in the platform of 1896 and 
' 1904 providing that in prosecutions for contempt in Federal courts, 
where the violation of the order constituting the contempt charged 
' is indirect, i. e., outside of the presence of the court, there shall be 
a jury trial. 


Dangerous Attack on Power of Courts. 
This provision in the platform of 1896 was regarded then as a 


' most dangerous attack upon the power of the courts to enforce their 
orders and decrees, and it was one of the chief reasons for the defeat 
of the Democratic party in that contest, as it ought to have been. 
The extended operation of such a provsion to weaken the power 


ew ee fe 


of the courts in the enforcement of its lawful orders can hardly be 


overstated. 


Effect of Jury Trial. 
Under such a provision a recalcitrant witness who refuses to 
obey a subpcena may insist on a jury trial before the court can de- 


termine that he received the subpcena. A citizen summoned as a 
“juror and refising to obey the writ when brought into court must 


20 


be tried by another jury to determine whether he got the summons. 
Such a provision applies not alone to injunctions, but to every order 
which the court issues against persons. A suit may be tried in the 
court of first instance and carried to the Court of Appeals, and 
thence to the Supreme Court, and a judgment and decree entered 
and an order issued, and then if the decree involves the defendant’s 
doing anything or not doing anything, and he disobeys it, the plain- 
tiff who has pursued his remedies in lawful course for years must, 
to secure his rights, undergo the uncertainties and the delays of a 
jury trial before he can enjoy that which is his right by the decision 


of the highest court of the land. I say without hesitation that such 


a change will greatly impair the indispensable power and authority 
of the courts. In securing to the public the benefits of the new statutes 
enacted in the present Administration, the ultimate instrumentality 
to be resorted to is the courts of the United States. If now their 
authority is to be weakened in a manner never known in the-history 
of the jurisprudence of England or America, except in the consti- 
tution of Oklahoma, how can we expect that such statutes will have 
efficient enforcement? Those who advocate this intervention of a 
jury in such cases seem to suppose that this change in some way will 
inure only to the benefit of the poor working man. As a matter of 
fact, the person who will secure chief advantage from it is the 
wealthy and unscrupulous defendant, able to employ astute and cun- 
ning counsel and anxious to avoid justice. 

I have been willing, in order to avoid a popular but unfounded 
impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, 
may be affected by personal feeling, to approve a law which should 
enable the contemnor upon his application to have another judge sit 
to hear the charge of contempt, but this, with so many judges as 


there are available in the Federal court, would not constitute a delay - 


in the enforcement of the process. The character and efficiency of 
the trial would be the same. It is the nature and the delay of a jury 
trial in such cases that those who would wish to defy the order of 
the court would rely upon as a reason for doing so. 


Maintenance of Full Power of Courts Necessary to 
Avoid Anarchy. 
The administration of justice lies at the foundation of govern- 
ment. The maintenance of the authority of the courts is essential 
unless we are prepared to embrace anarchy. Never in the history 


of the country has there been such an insidious attack upon‘the ju-. 


dicial system as the proposal to interject a jury trial between all 


orders of the court made after full hearing and the enforcement of - 


such orders. 


0 A ee 


es so 


— 


“2 Ss et 


»— . 
ee ee eee ee 


 _ + =e 


ee 


21 


The Currency System. 

The late panic disclosed a lack of elasticity in our financial Sys- 
tem. This has been provisionally met by an act of the present 
Congress permitting the issue of additional emergency bank notes, 
and insuring their withdrawal when the emergency has passed by a 
high rate of taxation. It is drawn in conformity with the present 
system of bank note currency, but varies from it in certain respects 
by authorizing the use of commercial paper and bonds of good 
credit, as well as United States bonds, as security for its redemption. 

It is expressly but a temporary measure and contains a provision for 
the appointment of a currency commission to devise and recommend 
a new and reformed system of currency. This inadequacy of our 
ptesent currency system, due to changed conditions and enormous 
expansion, is generally recognized. The Republican platform well 
‘states that we must have a “more elastic and adaptable system to 
meet the requirements of agriculturists, manufacturers, merchants 
and business men generally, must be automatic in operation, recog- 
nizing the fluctuations in interest rates,” in which every dollar shall 
be as good as gold, and which shall prevent rather than aid financial 
stringency in bringing on a panic. 


Postal Savings Bank and Its Advantages. 


In addition to this, the Republican platform recommends the 
adoption of a postal savings bank system in which, of course, the 
Government would become responsible to the depositors for the pay- 
ment of principal and interest. It is thought that the Government 
guaranty will bring out of hoarding places much money which may 
be turned into wealth producing capital, and that it will be a great 
incentive for thrift in the many small places in the country having 
now no savings bank facilities which are reached by the Post Office 

Department. It will bring to every one, however remote from finan- 
cial centers, a place of perfect safety for deposits, with interest re- 
‘ turn. The bill now pending in Congress, which of course the Re- 
publican Convention had in mind, provides for the investment of the 
money deposited in National banks in the very places in which it ts 
gathered, or as near thereto as may be practicable. This is an an- 
swer to the criticism contained in the Democratic platform that un- 
der the system the money gathered in the country will be deposited 
in Wall Street banks. The system of postal savings banks has been 
tried in so many countries successfully that it cannot be regarded 
longer as a new and untried experiment. 


225 


Objections to Democratic Proposal to Enforce Insurance of 
Bank Deposits. 


The Democratic platform recommends a tax upon National 
banks and upon such State banks as may come in, in the nature of 
enforced insurance to raise a guaranty fund to pay the depositors 
of any bank which fails. How State banks can be included in such 
a scheme under the constitution is left in the twilight zone of States 
rights and Federalism so frequently dimming the meaning and pur- 
pose of the promises of the platform. If they come in under such a 
system, they must necessarily be brought within the closest National 
control, and so they must really cease to be State banks and become 
National banks. . 

The proposition is to tax the honest and prudent banker to make 
up for the dishonesty and imprudence of others. No one can fore- 
see the burden which under this system would be imposed upon 
the sound and conservative bankers of the country by this obligation 
to make good the losses caused by the reckless, speculative and dis- — 
honest men who would be enabled to secure deposits under such a 
system on the faith of the proposed insurance; as in its present 
shape, the proposal would remove all safeguards against recklessness 
in banking, and the chief, and in the end probably the only, benefit’ 
would accrue to the speculator, who would be delighted to enter the 
banking business when it was certain that he could enjoy any profit 
that would accrue, while the risk would have to be assumed by his 
honest and hard-working fellow. In short, the proposal is wholly | 
impracticable unless it is to be accompanied by a complete revolution 
in our banking system, with a supervision so. close as practically to 
create a government bank. If the proposal were adopted exactly as 
the Democratic platform suggests, it would bring the whole banking 
system of the country down in ruin, and this proposal is itself an 
excellent illustration of the fitness for national control of a party 
which will commit itself to a scheme of this nature without the 
slightest sense of responsibility for the practical operation of the law 
proposed. 


Postal Savings Banks Much to Be Preferred. 


The Democratic party announces its adhesion to this plan, and 
only recommends the tried system of postal savings banks as an al- 
ternative if the new experimental panacea is not available. The 
Republican party prefers the postal savings bank as one tried, safe, 
and known to be effective, and as reaching many more people now 
without banking facilities than the new system proposed. 


=A 


Voluntary Plan for Guaranty. 


A plan for a guaranty of deposits by the voluntary act of the 
banks involved has been favorably reported to the House of Rep- 
resentatives. ‘This is, of course, entirely different from the scheme 
in the Democratic platform, omitting, as it does, the feature of 
compulsory participation. This proposition will unquestionably 
receive the thoughtful consideration of the National Monetary 
Commission. 


Republican Policies as to Dependencies. 


The Republican party has pursued consistently the policy orig- 
inally adopted with respect to the dependencies which came to us as 
the result of the Spanish war. 


Porto Rico. 


The material prosperity of Porto Rico and the progress of its 
inhabitants toward better conditions in respect to comfort of. living 
and education, should make every American proud that this nation 
has been an efficient instrument in bringing happiness to a million 
people. - 

Cuba. 


In Cuba, the provisional government established in order to pre- 
vent a bloody revolution has so administered affairs and initiated the 
_ necessary laws as to make it possible to turn back the island to the 
lawfully elected officers of the Republic in February next. 


Philippines. 


In the Philippines the experiment of a national assembly has 
justified itself, both as an assistance in the government of the islands 
and as an education in the practice of self-government to the people 
of the islands. We have established a government with effective and 
honest executive departments, and a clean and fearless administra- 
tion of justice; we have created and are maintaining a comprehen- 
sive school system which is educating the youth of the islands in 
English and in industrial branches; we have constructed great gov- 
ernment public works, roads and harbors; we have induced the pri- 
vate construction of eight hundged miles of railroad ; we have policed 
the islands so that their condition as to law and order is better now 
than it has ever been in their history. It is quite unlikely that the 
people, because of the dense ignorance of 9o per cent., will be ready 
for complete self-government and independence before two genera- 
tions have passed, but the policy of increasing partial self-govern- 
ment step by step as the people shall show themselves fit for it should 
be continued. 


Proposition of Democratic Platform Means Chaos. 


The proposition of the Democratic platform is to turn over the 
islands as soon as a stable government is established. This has been 
established. The proposal, then, is in effect to turn them over at 
once. Such action will lead to ultimate chaos in the islands and the 
‘progress among the ignorant masses in education and better living 
will stop. We are engaged in the Philippines in a great missionary 


* 


24 


work that does our nation honor, and is certain to promote in a 
most effective way the influence of Christian civilization. It is cow: 
atdly to lay down the burden until our purpose is achieved. 


Hope of Prosperity in Change in Tariff Recommended by 
Republican Platform. 

Many unfortunate circumstances beyond human control have 
delayed the coming of business prosperity to the islands. Much may 
be done in this regard by increasing the trade between the islands 
and the United States, under tariff laws permitting reciprocal free 
trade in the respective products of the two countries, with such lim- 
itations as to sugar and tobacco imported into the United States as 
will protect domestic interests. The admission of 350,000 tons of 
sugar from the Philippine Islands in a foreign importation of 
1,600,000 tons, will have no effect whatever upon the domestic sugar 
interests of the United States, and yet such an importation from the 
Philippine Islands, not likely to be reached in ten years, will bring 
about the normal state of prosperity in these islands in reference to 
sugar culture. 

The same thing is true of a similar limitation on the importation 
of tobacco. It is not well for the Philippines to develop the sugar 
industry to such a point that the business of the islands shall be ab- 
sorbed in it, because it makes a society in which there are wealthy 
landowners, holding very large estates, with valuable and expensive 
plants, and a large population of unskilled labor. In such a com- 
munity there is no farming or middle class tending to build up a con- 
servative, self-respecting community, capable of self-government. 
There are many other products, notably that of Manila hemp, to 
which the energy of the islands can be, and is being, directed, the 
cultivation of which develops the class of small and intelligent 
farmers. 


Misconception as to Annual Cost of Philippines. 

One misconception of fact with respect to our Philippine policy 
is that it is costing the people of the United States a vast annual 
sum. The expenses of the war in the Philippines from 1898'to 1902 
involved the Government in an expenditure of less than $175 000,000. 
This was incident to war. The fact is that since the close of the 
war in 1902 and the restoration of order in the islands, the extra 
cost of the American troops of the regular army in the islands, to- 
gether with that of maintaining about 4,000 Philippine scouts as a 
part of the regular army, does not exceed $6,000,000 annually. This 
is all the expense to which the United States has been put for five or 
six years last past. The expenses of the Civil Government in the 


25 
islands since its establishment have been met entirely from-the pro- 
ceeds of taxes collected in the islands, with but one notably generous 
and commendable exception when the Congress of the United States 
appropriated $3,000,000 in 1902 to relieve the inhabitants of the. 
islands from the dangers of famine and distress caused by the death 
from rinderpest of three-fourths of the cattle of the islands. 


Veterans of Country’s Wars. 


Both platforms declare, as they should, in favor of generous 
pensions for the veterans of the Civil and Spatisbdwars. ,virstép t6 
note the presence here of a body of veterans of Ohio, and tmexprtess’ 
my thanks for the honor they do me in coming. I am lacking in 
one qualification of all Republican Presidents since Lincoln, that of 
having been exposed to danger and death on the field of battle in 
defense of our country. I hope this lack will not make the 
veterans think I am any less deeply thrilled by the memory of their 
great comrades gone before—Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Harrison and 
McKinley, all sons of Ohio, who left records reflecting glory upon 
their State and Nation, or that my sympathies with the valor and 
courage and patriotism of those who faced death in the country’s 
crises are any less earnest and sincere than they would be had I the 
right to wear a button of the Grand Army or of the veteran associa- 
tion of any of our country’s wars. 


The Rights and Progress of the Negro. 


The Republican platform refers to the amendments to the Con- 
stitution that were passed by the Republican party for the protection | 
of the negro. The negro, in the forty years since he was freed from 
slavery, has made remarkable progress. He is becoming a more 
and more valuable member of the communities in which he lives. The 
education of the negro is being expanded and improved in every way. 
The best men of both races, at the North as well as at the South, 
ought to rejoice to see growing up among the Southern people an 
influential element disposed to encourage the negro in his hard strug- 
gle for industrial independence and assured political status. The 
Republican platform, adopted at Chicago, explicitly demands justice 
for all men without regard to race or color, and just as explicitly 
declares for the enforcement, and without reservation, in letter and 
spirit of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth_and Fifteenth Amendments to 
the Constitution. It is needless to state that I stand with my party 
squarely on that plank in the platform, and believe that equal justice 
to all men, and the fair and impartial enforcement of these amend- 
ments is in keeping with the real American spirit of fair play. 


26 


Army and Navy. | 

Mr. McKinley and Mr. Roosevelt, and the Republican party, 
have constantly advocated a policy with respect to the Army and 
Navy that will keep this Republic ready at all times to defend her 
territory and her doctrines, and to assure her appropriate part in 
promoting permanent tranquillity among the nations. I welcome 
from whatever motive the change in the Democratic attitude toward 
the maintenance and support of an adequate Navy, and hope that in 
the next platform the silence of the present platform, in respect to 
the Army, will be changed to an acquiescence in its maintenance 
to the point of efficiency in connection with the efficiently reorgan- 
ized militia and the National volunteers, for the proper defense of 
the country in times of war, and the discharge of those duties in 
times of peace for which the Army, as at present constituted, has 
shown itself so admirably adapted in the Philippines, in San Fran- 
cisco, in Cuba, and elsewhere. We are a world power and cannot 
help it, and, although at peace with all the world and secure in the 
consciousness that the American people do not desire and will not 
provoke a war with any other country, we must be prudent and not 
be lulled into a sense of security which would possibly expose us to 
national humiliation. Our best course therefore is to insist on a con- 
stant improvement in our navy and its maintenance at the highest 
point of efficiency. 


Protection of Citizens Abroad. 

The position which our country has won under Republican ad- 
munistrations before the werld should inure to the benefit of every 
one, even the humblest of those entitled to look to the American 
flag for protection, without regard to race, creed or color, and 
whether he is a citizen of the United States or of any of our depend- 
encies. In some countries with which we are on friendly terms, dis- 
tinctions are made in respect to the treatment of our citizens travel- 
ing abroad and having passports of our Executive, based on consid- 
erations that are repugnant to the principles of our Government and 
civilization. The Republican party and administration will continue 
to make every proper endeavor to secure the abolition of such dis- 
tinctions, which in our eyes are both needless and opprobrious. 


Asiatic Immigration. 

In the matter of the limitation upon Asiatic immigration, re- 
ferred to in the Democratic platform, it is sufficient to say that the 
present Republican Administration has shown itself able, by diplo- 
matic negotiation, and withant unnecessary frictian with self-re- 


£7 
specting governments, to minimize the evils suggested, and a subse- 


quent Republican Administration may be counted on to continue 
the same policy. 


Conservation of National Resources. 


The conservation of National resources is a subject to which 
the present Adminstration has given especial attention. The ne- 
cessity for.a comprehensive and systematic improvement of our 
waterways, the preservation of our soil, and of our forests, the se- 
curing from private appropriation the power in navigable streams, 
the retention of the undisposed of coal lands of the Government 
from alienation, all will properly claim from the next Administration 
earnest attention and appropriate legislation. 


National Health Bureau. 


I have long been of opinion that the various agencies of the Na- 
tional Government established for the preservation of the National 
health, scattered through several departments, should be rendered 
more efficient by uniting them in a bureau of the Government under 
a competent head, and that I understand to be, in effect, the recom- 
mendation of both parties. 


Publicity of Campaign Contributions and Expenditures. 


Another plank of the Democratic platform refers to the failure 
of the Republican Convention to express an opinion in favor of the 
publicity of contributions received and expenditures made in elec- 
tions. Here again we contrast our opponents’ promises with our 
own acts. Great improvement has taken place under Republican 
auspices in respect to the collection and expenditure of money for 
this purpose. The old and pernicious system of levying a tax on 
the salaries of Governr..ent employees in order to pay the expenses 
of the party in control of the Administration has been abolished by 
statute. By a law passed by the Republican Congress in 1907, con- 
tributions from corporations to influence or pay the expenses con- 
nected with the election of presidential electors or of members of 
Congress is forbidden under penalty. 

A resident of New York has been selected as treasurer of the 
Republican National Committee, who was treasurer of the Repub- 
lican State Committee when Governor Hughes was elected in New 
York, and who made a complete statement within twenty days after 
the election, as required by the New York law, of the contributions 
received by him and the expenditures made by him or under his 
authority in connection with that election. His residence and the 


28 


discharge of his duties in the State of New York-subject him to the 
law of that State as to all receipts of the treasury of the National 
Committee from whatever source and as to all its disbursements. 
His returns will be under the obligations and penalties of the law, 
and a misstatement by him or the filing of a false account will subject 
him to prosecution for perjury and violation of the statute. Of 
course, under the Federal law, he is not permitted to receive any 
contributions from ‘corporations. | 

If I am elected President, I shall urge upon Congress, with 
every hope of success, that a law be passed requiring a filing in a 
Federal office of a statement of the contributions received by com- 
mittees and candidates in elections for members of Congress, and 
in such other elections as are constitutionally within the control of 
Congress. Meantime the Republican party by the selection of a 
New York treasurer has subjected all its receipts and expenditures 
to the compulsory obligation of such a law. 


Income Tax, 


The Democratic platform demands two constitutional amend- 
ments, one providing for an income tax, and the other for the elec- 
tion of Senators by the people. In my judgment, an amendment to 
the Constitution for an income tax is not necessary. I believe that 
an income tax, when the protective system of customs and the in- 
ternal revenue tax shall not furnish income enough for govern- 
mental needs, can and should be devised which under the decisions 
of the Supreme Court will conform to the Constitution. 


Election of Senators. 


With respect to the election of Senators by the people, personally 
I am inclined to favor it, but it is hardly a party question. A resolu- 
tion in its favor has passed a Republican House of Representatives 
several times and has been rejected in a Republican Senate by the 
votes of Senators from both parties. It has been approved by the 
Legislatures of many Republican States. In a number of States, 
both Democratic and Republican, substantially such a system now 
prevails. 


Inaccuracy and Insincerity of Democratic Charges of Extrava- 
gance in Increase of Offices and Expenditures, 


Our opponents denounce the Republican party for increasing 
the number of offices 23,000, at a cost of sixteen millions of dollars, 
during the last year. Such denunciation is characteristic of the 
Democratic platform. It fails to specify in any way what the 


= 


29 


offices are, and leaves the inference that the increase was resisted 
by the representatives of Democracy in Congress. As a matter of 
fact, the net number of offices increased was just about half the 
number stated; the increase was due chiefly to the enlargement of 
the Navy, the construction of the Panama Canal, the extension of 
the Rural Free Delivery, and to the new offices necessary in the 
enforcement of the pure food, meat inspection, railroad rate regula- 
tion, arid land reclamation, forest preservation and other measures 
which Congress passed with almost unanimous popular approval. 
The Democratic platform, so far from attacking any of this legisla- 
tion, specifically approves much and condemns none of it, and it is 
of course disingenuous to claim credit for approving legislation and 


yet to denounce the expenditures necessary to give it effect. 


Charge of Deficit. 


Again, it charges that a deficit of sixty millions of dollars be- 
tween the receipts and expenditures during the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1908, occurred. As explained by the Secretary of the 
Treasury, at least half of this deficit is only an apparent one. The 
falling off in receipts was, of course, occasioned by the unusual 
panic, but there is ample free money in the Treasury to meet the 
difference, and the difference itself is not half of it properly a 
deficit, because involved in it was the retirement of some thirty- 
three millons of the bonds of the Government. 

During the past seven years the income and expenditures of the 
Government have been nearly equal, some years showing a surplus, 
and others, fewer in number, a deficit. Taking one year with 
another, including this year, there has been an average surplus. The 
surplus last year, for instance, was greater than the deficit this 
year, so that, in fact, under the present administration there has 
been no deficit but a surplus which is actually in the Treasury. 

The Democratic platform nowhere points out the expenditures 
which might be reduced or avoided. It would be found generally 
that to the increases which have occurred, Democratic representa- 
tives in Congress made no opposition, but rather supported the 
measures providing them, and now the party has not the courage 


to indicate what part of government cost it would end. It joins 


the Republican party specifically in approving the outlay of $150,- 
000,000 as pensions. It,expressly favors also the cost of greatly 


increased River and Harbor improvements, the cost of doubling the 


‘Navy, and of many other enterprises to which it urges the Gov- 


ernment. Its attack, therefore, has nothing in it either of fairness 
or sincerity. 


High Character and Efficiency of Administration. 


The truth is that it is known of all fair-minded men that there 
never has been an administration in the Government more efficiently 
conducted, more free from scandal, and in which the standard of 
official duty has been set higher than in the present Republican Ad- 
ministration, which the Democratic platform has thus denounced. 
It has had to meet the problems arising from the enormous expan- 
sion of Government functions under new legislative measures as 
well as in the new dependencies, and in the greatest constructive 
work of modern times, the Panama Canal, and its members may — 
well feel a just pride in the exceptional record for efficiency, econ- — 
omy, honesty and fidelity which it has made. We may rely upon 
our record in this regard in an appeal to the American people for 
their approval. 

The foreign policy of this country under the present Administra- 
tion has greatly contributed to the peace of the world. The impor- 
tant part the Administration took in bringing about an end of the 
Russian-Japanese War by a treaty honorable to both parties and the 
prevention of wars in Central America and Cuba are striking in- 
stances of this. The arbitration treaties signed with all the im- 
portant nations of the world mark a great step forward in the de- 
velopment of the usefulness of The Hague tribunal. The visit of 
Secretary Root to South America emphasized our friendship for our 
sister Republics which are making such strides in the South Hemi- 
sphere, and met with a most cordial and gratifying response from 
our Latin-American colleagues. The assistance which we are ren- 
dering in Santo Domingo to enable that. Government to meet its 
obligations and avoid anarchy is another instance of successful work 
of this Administration in helping our neighbors. 

This Administration has by the promptness, skill and energy of 
its negotiations secured dominion in the Canal Zone of the Isthmus 
of Panama, without which the construction of the canal would have 
been impossible. It has subdued the heretofore insurmountable ob- 
stacle of disease and made the place of work healthy. It has cre- 
ated such an organization that in six years certainly, and probably 
in less, the Atlantic and Pacific will be united, to the everlasting ben- 
efit of the world’s commerce, and the effectiveness of our Navy will 

be doubled. 
| The mere statement of things actually done by this Administra- 
tion at home, in our dependencies, and in foreign affairs shows a 
marvel of successful accomplishment, and if ever a party has en- 
titled itself to the approval of its works by a renewed mandate of 


3 


; power from the people whom it served, it is the Republican party in 


velopment of our foreign marine. As long as we uphold the sys- 


the present campaign. 


The only respect in which nothing has been done is in the de- 


- tem of protection for our home industries we must recognize that it 
_ is ineffectual to assist those of our citizens engaged in the foreign 
_ shipping business, because there is no feasible means of excluding 


. 


— —-———- = &” . 


foreign competition, and that the only other method of building up 
such a business is by direct aid in the form of a mail subsidy. I 
am in favor of the bill considered in the last Congress as a tentative 


step. The establishment of direct steamship lines between our At- 
' lantic ports and South America would certainly do much to develop 


q 
; 


a trade that might be made far greater. On the Pacific, the whole 
shipping trade threatens to pass into the control of Japan. Some- 
thing ought to be done, and the bill which failed was a step in the 
right direction. 


Independent Democrats. 


The Democratic party under its present leadership in previous 
campaigns has manifested a willingness to embrace any doctrine 
which would win votes, with little sense of responsibility for its 


practical operation. In its striving for success it has ignored the 


business prosperity of the country, has departed from sound eco- 
“nomic and governmental principles, and has reversed its own tradi- 
tional views of constitutional construction. Patriotic members of 
the party have refused to be controlled by party ties, and have either 
refrained from voting or have supported the Republican candidate. 
‘May we not appeal to these courageous and independent citizens 
again to give us their support in this campaign, because the reasons 
for their breaking the bonds of party are stronger today than ever 
before? 


Length of Speech Made Necessary by Numerous Issues. 

I have now reviewed at great length the principles at issue be- 
tween the two parties. When I began the preparation of this speech 
of acceptance I had hoped to make it much briefer than it is, 


but I found on an examination of the platform and on a considera- 


tion of the many measures passed during the present Administration 
and the issues arising out of them, that it was impossible to deal 
with the subjects comprehensively with proper explanation and 
qualification in a short discussion. This is my excuse. 


32 
Difference Between Parties: Prosperity With Republican Suc- 
cess; Business Disaster With Democratic Victory. 


I have pointed out that the attitude of the Republican party with 
reference to evils which have crept in, due to the enormous material 
expansion of this country, is to continue the Roosevelt policies of | 
progress and regulation, while the attitude of the Democratic party 
under its present leadership is the change for the sake of change to 
the point of irresponsible destruction, and that there is no hope 
whatever of a restoration of prosperity in returning it to power. — 
As said in our platform, we Republicans go before the country ask- 
ing the support, not only of those who have acted with us hereto- 
fore, but of all our fellow-citizens who, regardless of past political 
differences, unite in the desire to maintain the policies, perpetuate 
the blessings and make secure the achievements of a greater America. 


Address 


of 


James S. Sherman 
Notification Speech 


at 


Pete a NG Hy, 
August 18, 1908 


’ 


SACBNGSSE PE gh: 


Gi 


cAddress of James S. Sherman 


Senator Burrows and Gentlemen of the Notification Committee: 
Your chairman, speaking for the committee, has notified me of 
my nomination by the Republican national convention, held in Chi- 
cago in June, as the party’s candidate for Vice President. As I 
chanced to be in Chicago in June, I had an inkling of the conven- 
tion’s action, which was confirmed by a warm-hearted reception ten- 
dered me by my neighbors on the occasion of my home-coming on 
July 2: 
In Accord With Mr. Taft 


This official notification, however, is welcome and the nomination 
you tender me is accepted; accepted with a gratitude commensurate 
with the great honor conferred ; accepted with a full appreciation of 
the obligations which accompany that honor, an honor greater be- 
cause my name is linked with that of William H. Taft, whom I re- 
spect and esteem highly and who approaches the high office of. Pres- 
ident exceptionally well equipped to discharge the duties and bear 
the varied and weighty responsibilities of that exalted position. My 
acceptance could not be made with honor unless I were in full accord 
with the declaration of principles adopted by the convention. Not 
only am I in full and complete accord with my party’s platform, but 
I endorse every word of the statement made by Mr. Taft in his 
- address of acceptance when notified of his nomination as the Repub- 
lican candidate for President. | | 

That speech fully and comprehensively discusses the issues of 
this campaign as presented by the platforms of the two great parties, 
so that it is appropriate that my statement should be short. Those 
not convinced by the presentation of Mr. Taft I could not hope to 
persuade. It is, however, in conformity with custom that I refer at 
least briefly to some of the important issues of the campaign. | 


A. Discussion of the Tariff Issue 


First, then, let me say that I am a protectionist. I am suffi- 
ciently practical to value the utility of a fact higher than the beauty 
of a theory, and I am a protectionist because experience has demon- 


4 
strated that the application of that principle has lifted us as a Nation 
to a plane of prosperity above that occupied by any other people. 

I especially commend that plank of our platform which promises 
an early revision of tariff schedules. That pledge will be fulfilled in 
an adjustment based in every particular upon the broad principles of 
protection for all American interests ; alike for labor, for capital, for 
producers and consumers. The Dingley Bill, when enacted, was well 
adapted to the then existing conditions. The developments of indus- 
trial prosperity in a decade, which in volume and degree have sur- 
passed our most roseate expectations, have so altered conditions that 
in certain details of schedules they no longer in every particular 
mete out justice to all. In this readjustment the principle of pro- 
tection must and will govern; such duties must and will be imposed 
as will equalize the cost of production at home and abroad and insure 
a reasonable profit to all American interests. The Republican idea 
of such a profit embraces not alone the manufacturer, not alone the 
capital invested, but all engaged in American production, the em- 
ployer and employed, the artisan, the farmer, the miner and those 
engaged in transportation and trade; broadly speaking, those en- 
gaged in every pursuit and calling which our tariff directly or in- 
directly affects. During a statutory application of this principle, 
prosperity has abided with us. When a revenue tariff has been the 
law, adversity and want have been our portion. Our Democratic 
brethren, whose memories are as short as their promises are frail, 
and who have always exhibited a lack of capacity to profit by ex- 
perience, unmindful of the distress and destruction that arrived and 
departed with the last Democratic administration, declare in their 
platform that they favor such “immediate revision of * * * 
schedules as may be necessary to restore the tariff to a revenue 
basis.” A “revenue basis,” a “tariff for revenue only,” “ultimate 
free trade’’—all have an identical meaning; that meaning being an 
assault upon American industries, an attack upon the American 
wage scale, a lessening demand for the products of American soil 
and American toil; less work, less pay, less of the necessaries and 
comforts of life. In the light of history, what issue of the campaign 
so vitally affects American citizens? Experience, that effective 
teacher—effective save with the one-man power now parading under 
the title of the Democratic party—has taught the Nation a valuable 
lesson and the result of the coming November election will once 
more prove the American people to be apt scholars. What the la- 
borer of the land, skilled and unskilled, desires is the opportunity 
at all times to exchange his brain and brawn for good pay in good 


5 


tnoney. A protective tariff and the gold standard, both now the 
existing achievements of the Republican party, in spite of Demo- 
cratic opposition, give the laborer that opportunity. 


Enactments for Labor 


The Republican party believes in the equality of all men before 
the law; believes in granting labor’s every request that does not 
seek to accord rights to one man denied to another. Fair-minded 
labor asks no more, no less, and approves the record of the Repub- 
lican party because of that party’s acts. 

I have helped to make my party’s record in the enactment of the 
Eight-Hour Law, the Employers’ Liability Act, the statutes to min- 
imize the hazard of railroad employes, the Child Labor Law for the 
District of Columbia, and other enactments designed especially to 
improve the conditions of labor. I cannot hope to better state my 
position on injunctions than by a specific endorsement of Mr. Taft’s 
Cincinnati declaration on that subject. That endorsement I make. 


The Colored Race 


As a Nation our duty compels that by every constitutional and 
reasonable means the material and educational condition of the col- 
ored race be advanced. This we owe to ourselves as well as to 
them. As the result of a course of events that can never be reversed, 
they are a part of our civilization ; their prosperity is our prosperity ; 
their debasement would be our misfortune. The Republican party, 
therefore, will offer every encouragement to the thrift, industry and 
intelligence that will better their prospect of higher attainment. 


Army and Navy and Merchant Marine 


I believe in the maintenance of such an army, the upbuilding of 
such a navy as will be the guarantee of the protection of American 
citizens and American interests everywhere, and an omen of peace; 
that at every exposed point we may be so fortified that no power on 
earth may be tempted to molest us. I believe in the restoration of 
the American merchant marine and in rendering whatever financial 
aid may be necessary to accomplish this purpose. 

I approve the movement for the conservation of our natural re- 
sources; the fostering of friendly foreign relations ; the enforcement 
of our Civil Service Law, and the enactment of such statutes as will 
rrore securely and more effectively preserve the public health, 


6 
Adherence to Roosevelt Policies 
Our platform, as it should do, pledges adherence to the policies’ 
of President Roosevelt ; promises to continue the work inaugurated 
during his administration, to insure to persons and property every 
proper safeguard and all necessary strengthening of administrative 
methods will be provided to furnish efficient inspection and super- 
vision, and prompt righting of every injustice, discrimination and 
wrong. 

I have not touched upon every plank of our splendid platform, but 

I reiterate my full and unqualified approval of its every promise. 


No Class Legislation 


I emphasize as my party’s creed and my faith that in legislation 
and administration favor should be extended to no class, no sect, no 
race, no section as opposed to another. To foster class hatred, to 
foster discontent, is un-Republican and un-American. Our party 
stands on the declaration that all men are created with equal rights 
and it will have no part in the enactment or execution of any law 
that does not apply alike to all good American citizens, whatever 
their calling or wherever they live. It will allow no man in our 
land to have advantage in law over any other man. It offers no 
safeguard to capital that is not guaranteed to labor; no protection 
to the workman that is not insured to his employer. It would offer 
to each and to both in pursuit of health and happiness and prosperity 
every possible advantage. | Fr 

The work that has been given the Republican party to do has 
been of immense importance. Much of that work has been fully 
accomplished; some has yet to be completed. Republican declara- 
tions once in our platform and no longer there, are omitted because 
they have become accomplished facts. On the other hand, Dem- 
ocratic declarations have been abandoned because the voters have 
pronounced them to be unwise and unsafe and unsuited to our times 
and our country. | 


The People Rule 


“Shall the people rule?” is declared by the Democratic platform 
and candidate to be “the overshadowing issue * * * now under 
discussion.” It is no issue. Surely the people shall rule, surely the 
people have ruled; surely the people do rule. No party rules. The 
party, commissioned by the people, is simply the instrument to exe- 
cute the people’s will, and from that party which does not obey 


7 


their expressed will, or which lacks the wisdom to lead successfully, 
the people will withdraw their commission. 

For half a century, with but two exceptions, the people have com- 
missioned the Republican party to administer the national Govern- 
ment; commissioned it because its declared principles appealed to 
their best judgment; commissioned it because the common sense 
of the American people scented danger in Democratic policies. Ours 
always has been, always must be, a Government of the people. That 
party will, after March 4 next, execute old laws and enact new ones 
as in November it is commissioned by the people to do. That com- 
mission will be from an untrammeled American electorate. Shame 
on the party which, shame on the candidate who, insults the Amer- 
ican people by suggestion or declaration that a majority of its elec- 
torate is venal. The American voter, with rare exception, in cast- 
ing his ballot, is guided by his best judgment, by his desire to con- 
serve his own and the public weal. 


The Overshadowing Issue and Party Record 


_ The overshadowing issue of the campaign really is: shall the ad- 
ministration of President Roosevelt be approved; shall a party of 
demonstrated capacity in administrative affairs be continued in 
power, shall the reins of government be placed in experienced hands, 
or do the people prefer to trust their destinies to an aggregation of 
experimental malcontents and theorists, whose only cliim: to a his- 
tory is a party name they pilfered. 

With a record of four decades of wise legislation; two score 
years of faithful administration; offering its fulfilled pledges as a 
guaranty of its promises for the future, the Republican party appeals 
to the people and, with full confidence in their wisdom and patriot- 
ism, awaits the rendition of the November verdict, 


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Taft's 
Labor 
Hecisions 


Fairness of Republican Candidate’s 


Judicial Attitude Demonstrated 


By FREDERICK N. JUDSON 


in The Review of Reviews 
AND 


i Judge HOWARD C, HOLLISTER 
in The Green Bag 


LABOR DECISIONS OF JUDGE TAFT. 


BY FREDERICK N, JUDSON. 


(From the Review of Reviews, August, 1907.) 


The present Secretary of War, Hon. William Howard Taft, has 
had the exceptional experience of beginning his distinguished public 


_ eareer with judicial service on the State and thereafter serving on 


the federal bench. He was justice of the Superior Court of Cin- 
cinnati from 1887 to 1890, and among his immediate predecessors 
in that court were Hon. Judson Harmon, ex-Attorney General of 
the United States; Hon. Joseph B. Foraker, ex-Governor and now 
United States. Senator. After some two years’ service as Solicitor 
General, under President Harrison, Mr. Taft was appointed judge 
of the Circuit Court of the United States, holding that position until 
1900, when he resigned to accept the appointment of Governor of the 
Philippines, 

It has been intimated from time to time, though not very defi- 
nitely, that certain decisions of Judge Taft while on the bench were 
unfriendly to organized labor. Such a suggestion, analyzed in view 
of the position of the judiciary in our political and judicial system, is 
really an imputation upon the intelligence of the electorate. A judge 
does not make the law, nor does he decide cases according to his 
private judgment of what the law ought to be; but he declares and 
applies the rules of Jaw to the facts presented as he finds them in the 
statutes or adjudged precedents, the recorded depositories of the law. 


Judges the Oracles of the Law. 


It is true that our unwritten and non-statutory law has been 


. termed judge made law. But it is only in a very limited sense, if 


at all, that this expression is applicable to the case of an individual 
judge. His personality may be impressed upon the development of 
the law, as that of Judge Taft was doubtless impressed, by the clear- 
ness of his grasp of the fundamental principles of the law in their 
application to new conditions; but his opinions must be in harmony 
with the current trend of judicial authority, and, in the last analysis, 
with the advance of an enlightened public opinion. We have had 
frequent instances in this country where judges, after leaving the 
bench, have become candidates for publc office, but very rarely 


_ have the judicial decisions of a judge ever been discussed with refer- 


ence to his availability for a public office. The reason is obvious. 
The high intelligence of our American electorate recognizes that 


_- the judges do not speak their individual judgments, but, in the words 


—_ = 


of Blackstone, “are the living oracles of the law,” who declare and 
apply the laws of the land. 


3 


It is to be assumed, therefore, that Judge Taft decided cases in- 
volving the rights and duties of labor and capital, as he decided other 
cases which came before him, according to the law and facts as pre- 
sented for determination. It has not been intimated that he did not 
declare the law correctly, or that his decisions were bad law in any 
legal sense. What, therefore, is really meant by the suggestion is 
that the /aw as declared in certain decisions of Judge Taft was un- 
satisfactory to certain class interests. While this impersonal position 


of a judge is clearly recognized, there is so much public interest in 


questions relating to the legal rights and duties of combinations, both 
of capital and labor, that the decisions of Judge Taft in this class 
of cases should be clearly understood, and therefore will be briefl 
reviewed from a legal and not from a partisan point of view. 3 


Moores vs. Bricklayers’ Union et al. 


The first of these opinions was delivered by Judge Taft while - 


on the Superior Court bench of Cincinnati, in 1890, in the case of 


Moores vs. Bricklayers’ Union et al. (23 Weekly Law Bulletin, 


48). This case is interesting as involving the application of the law 
to what is known as a secondary boycott, that is, a boycott not against 
an employer but against a third party dealing with an emplover, who 
is a stranger to the controversy between the emplover and employee. 

This was not an injunction suit, nor did it involve any issue 
between the employees and their employer, either directly or through 


any refusal to handle in other places the so-called “struck work” | 


from the shop of the employer. It was a secondary boycott pure 
and simple, in the form of a suit for damages incurred by the plaintiff 
through a boycott by the Bricklayers’ Union, declared on account of 


the plaintiff's selling lime to the employer, Parker Bros., who had 


been boycotted by the union. This primary boycott had been de- 


clared against Parker Bros. by the: Bricklayers’ Union because of © 


their (Parker Byos.’) refusal to pay a fine imposed upon one of their 
empleyees, a member of the union, and to reinstate a discharged 
apprentice. 

Parker Bros. had brought suit and had recovered damages be- 
fore a jury in another court against the same defendants on account 
of this same boycott (21 Weekly Law Bulletin, 223). Moore Bros., 
the plaintiffs, had been awarded $2,250 damages by the jury on 
account of this secondary boycott, and it was this judgment which 
was afhrmed on appeal in an opinion by Judge Taft. This case has 
become a leading one on the law of boycotting. The right of legiti- 
mate competition in business with the incidental injuries resulting 
therefrom, as illustrated in the then recently decided Mogul Steam- 
ship case in England, was distinguished by Judge Taft from the case 
then at bar, where the immediate motive of injuring plaintiff was to 
inflict punishment for refusing to join in the bovcctt of a third 
party. Such a motive made the act malicious and legally actionable 
in the case of an individual and a fortiori in the case of a combina- 
tion. 


4 


No ng 


Question of the “Secondary Boycott.” 


It was said, after reviewing the English cases: “We do not ¢on- 
ceive that in this State or country a combination by workingmen to 
raise their wages or obtain any material advantage is contrary to the 
law, provided they do not.use such indirect means as obscure their 
original intent, and make their combination one merely malicious, to 
oppress and injure individuals.” 

It was further said that a labor union could provide for and 1m- 
pose a penalty against any of their members who refused to comply 
with such regulations as the association made. ‘They could unite in 
withdrawing from the employ of any person whose terms of employ- 
ment might not be satisfactory to them, or whose action in regard to 
apprentices was not to their liking, but they could not coerce their 
employer by boycotting him and those who dealt with him ; that even 
if acts of this character and with the intent are not actionable when 
done by individuals, they become so when they are the result of com- 
bination, because it is clear that the terrorizing of the community by 
threats of exclusive dealing in order to deprive one obnoxious mem- 
ber of means of sustenance would become both dangerous and offen- 
sive. This decision, subsequently affirmed by the Supreme Court of 
Ohio withcut opinion, has been accepted as the correct exposition of 
the law, and the secondary boycott, so-called, that is, a boycott 
against a stranger to the trade dispute, has been practically discon- 
tinued and abandoned by intelligent labor unionists as an unwise and 
unreasonable weapon in such controversies. 

Toledo and Ann Arbor Engineers’ Strike. 
The so-called labor decisions of Juge Taft while on the federal 


bench related directly and primarily to the federal character of such 


controversies, in that they involved the supremacy of the federal 


power in the protection of interstate commerce. ‘Though there were 


only two such cases decided by him, the decisions attracted general 


attention on account of the widespread industrial disturbances of 


1893-4. 

The first of these cases was decided April 3, 1893, in the matter: 
of the strike of the engineers on the Toledo and Ann Arbor Railroad 
(54 Fed. Rep., 730). ‘The engineers on strike were members of the 
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, of which P. M. Arthur was 
the chief. Under the then rule of the brotherhood, known as rule 


- twelve, the engineers in the employ of the connecting railroad com- 


panies, members of the brotherhood, refused to handle and deliver 
any cars of freight from complainant’s road as long as the strike of 
the engineers of that road, who were members of the brotherhood, 
was unsettled. It is obvious that this involved practically a paralysis 
of the business of interstate commerce between the complainant and 
the defendant railroads. ‘The Toledo road thereupon applied for an 
injunction against the connecting roads, alleging the existence of a 
combination violative of the Interstate Commerce act, preventing the 
performance of their duties in regard to interstate commerce in the 
exchange of traffic, and asked the court to enjoin this unlawful inter- 


5 


ference. A motion was filed by the complainant for a temporary 
injunction against Mr. Arthur to restrain him from enforcing rule — 
twelve, whereunder the employees of the defendant companies were 
refusing to handle the cars of the complainant company. = = + 

The opinion of the court by Judge Taft was notable in its clear 
exposition of the power of a court of equity in the issuance of a man- 


datory injunction’ where necessary to prevent irreparable injury. 


Mandatory Injunction to Continue Traffic. 


“The normal condition,” it was said—‘“the status quo—between 
connecting common carriers under the Interstate Commerce law is a 
continuous passage of freight backward and forward between them, 
which each carrier has a right to enjoy without interruption, exactly 
as riparian owners have a right to the continuous flow of the stream 
without obstruction.” Usually the status quo in the injunction can 
be preserved until final hearing by an injunction prohibitory in form, 
but where the status quo is not a condition of rest, but of action, the 
condition of rest, that is, the stoppage of traffic, will inflict irrepara- 
ble injury not only upon the complainant but the public. In such 
cases it is only a mandatory injunction compelling the traffic to flow 
as it is wont to flow, which will protect the complainant from injury. 
The form of tie remedy must be adapted to the emergency, and 
where the continuity of interstate traffic is threatened an injunction 
mandatory in term is often the only effective remedy. 

Still more important was the opinion in its clear analysis of 
the position of employees of railroads engaged in interstate traffic, 
and their rights and duties as such employees under the Interstate 
Commerce act. The relation of such employees to their railroad 
companies is one of free contract, and is not analogous to that of 
seamen in the maritime service, who, to a certain extent, surrender 
their liberty in their employment and are punishable for desertion. 
The employment, therefore, in the case of railroad employees, was 
terminable by either party. The court could not compel the enforce- 
ment of personal service as against either the employer or the em- 
ployed against the will of either. The court said especially was this 
true in the case of railroad engineers, where nothing but the most 
painstaking and devoted attention on the part of thé employed will . 
secure a proper discharge of his responsible duties; and it would 
even seem to be against public policy to expose the lives of the 
travelling public and the property of the shipping public to the 
danger which might arise from the enforced and unwilling perform- 
ance of so delicate a service. While a court of equity could not 
specifically compel the performance of a contract for personal ser- 
vice, it did not follow that there were no limitations upon the right 
of employees to abandon their employment—that is, as to the time 
and place of the exercise of such right (see remarks of Supreme 
Court in Lemon case. 166 U. S.), so as to avoid imperilling life or 
property. 7 

6 


Engineers’ Brotherhood Abrogates Rule 12. 


Though the relation of railroad employer and employed was 
one of free contract, the court also held that while the relation con- 
tinues they were bound to obey the statute compelling the interchange 
of interstate traffic, and also bound by the orders of the court en- 
joining their employer corporation from refusing such interchange. 
A combination of the employees to refuse, while still holding their 
positions, to perform any of the duties enjoined by law or by the 
court upon their employer, would be a conspiracy against the United 
States and punishable as such. 

The court, therefore, held that the mandatory injunction was 

properly issued against Arthur, compelling him to rescind the order 
to the engineers in the employ of the defendant directing them not to 
handle complainant’s freight. 
3 The engineers of the defendant companies had no grievances 
against their own employing companies; and their refusal to handle 
freight of complainant company was in no sense a strike for the 
betterment of their own conditions of service, and was therefore 
not a strike but a boycott, and this would necessarily paralyze the 
movement of interstate traffic. E 

The effect of this decision was far-reaching. It was the first 
judicial declaration of the duties of railroad employees in interstate 
commerce. It was followed in other circuits and was not only ap- 
proved by the general public, but was accepted by the railroad 
brotherhoods as a fair statement of the law under the peculiar condi- 
tions of the railroad service. The result was the abrogation of rule 
twelve by the brotherhood of the engineers, and since that time, as 
was signally shown in the extensive railroad strike of the following 
year, the railroad brotherhoods, not only the engineers, but the con- 
ductors, firemen and trainmen, have been conspicuous for their con- 
servatism in the adjustment of differences with the inanagement of 
their respective companies. 


The Phelan Contempt Case. 


In the following year, 1894, came the great railroad strike in- 
spired by the American Railway Union, growing out of the strike 
of the Pullman employees at Pullman, Ill. The officials of the union 
demanded all the railroads to boycott the Pullman cars, and declared 
a strike of the employees on any railroad on their refusad to declare 
such a boycott. The Cincinnati Southern, an interstate railway, was 
in the hands of a receiver, who had been theretofore appointed by 
the United States Court of Ohio, and the receiver applied to the 
court for protection against one Phelan, an official of the American 
Union, who was engaged in inciting a strike among the employees of 
the railroad. There was no complaint by the employees of this road, 
as there had been none by the employees in the Arthur case, for the 
betterment of their condition of service. The demand was that all 


4 


traffic should be suspended and business paralyzed until all the roads 
should consent not to carry Pullman cars. In the words of the 
court, the purpose was to starve the railroad companies and the 
public into compelling the Pullman Company to do something which 
they had no lawful right to compel it to do. 

It seems that a restraining order had been issued by the court 
prohibiting any interference with the management of the receiver in 
the operation of the road, and Phelan had used language defying this 
order. He was thereupon attached for contempt, and after a hear- 
ing was adjudged guilty of contempt in an opinion by Judge Taft 
(62 Fed. Rep., 802). The opinion emphasized the same distinction 
which had been pointed out in the Arthur case in the preceding year. 
The employees had the right to quit their employment, but they had 
no right to combine to injure their employer, in order to compel him 
to withdraw from a mutually profitable relation with a third party 
for the purpose of injuring the third party, when the relation thus 
sought to be broken had no effect whatever upon the character or 
reward of their services. As the purpose of the combination was te 
tie up interstate railroads, not as an incidental result of a lawful 
strike for the betterment of the employees’ own conditions, but as a 
means of injuring a third party, it was an unlawful combination, 
violative of the anti-trust act of 1890. It was also a direct interfer- 
ence with interstate commerce. 


Boycott, Not a Strike. as 


Thus, if Phelan had come to Cincinnati and urged a strike for 
higher wages, or to prevent lowering of wages, he would not have 
been liable for contempt, but he had no right to incite the men to 
quit when they had no grievances of their own to redress, as it was 
then essentially a boycott and not a strike. | 

It was in this Phelan case that Judge Taft, in determining the 
limits of the rights of labor organizations, made this lucid and 
notable statement of the extent of their rights, which has been fre- 
quently quoted: 


The employees of the receiver had the right to organize into or 
join a labor union which would take action as to the‘terms of their em- 
ployment. It is a benefit to them and to the public that laborers should 
unite for their common interest and for lawful purposes. They have 
labor to sell. If they stand together they are often able, all of them, to~ 
obtain better prices for their labor than dealing singly with rich em- 
ployers, because the necessities of the single employee may compel him 
to accept any price that is offered. The accumulation of a fund for those 
who feel that the wages offered are below the legitimate market value 
of such labor is desirable. They have the right to appoint officers, who 
shall advise them as to the course to be taken in relations with their 
employers. They may unite with other unions. The officers they ap- 
point, or any other person they choose to listen to, may advise them. as 
to the proper course to be taken, both in regard to their common em- 
ployment; or if they choose to appoint any one, he may order them on 
pain of expulsion from the union peaceably to leave the employ of their 
employer because any of the terms of the employment are unsatisfac- 
tory. <a Sa Oe 


e 


Free eee eee ee eee er 


Pee 8 ee eae ee ae ee Se 


a -?, 


Right of Unions to Organize. _ 
This declaration of the right of organization and representation 


of labor unions has been often cited and quoted in support of the 


unions, and was applied, as will be seen, most effectively in their 
behalf in the Wabash strike of 1903. 

The jurisdiction of the United States courts in the protection of 
Peecctate commerce, and the supremacy of the federal power in such 
questions, were thereafter fully sustained by the Supreme Court of 
the United States (see im re Debs case, 158 U. S., 564; also im re 
Lemon, 166 S., 548). 

The reason of the prompt acceptance of this application of the 
law by Judge Taft was the universal recognition that a boycott by 
railroad employees in interstate commerce, as distinguished from a 
strike, was impracticable and inadmissible, in view of the paramount 
public interest concerned. It is true that in ordinary trade disputes 
the public convenience and even the public necessities are not always 
given the weight they should have. But wherever interstate or for- 
eign .commerce are involved the public interest is made paramount 


_ by the laws of the United States. All classes of the community, 


workingmen as well as capitalists, are-interested in the prompt 
transmission of the mails and in the uninterrupted passage of person 
and freight. This principle of the protection of commerce against 
interruption has become firmly ‘intrenched in our jurisprudence. 
Under the law declared in these cases, our commerce is subject .to 
be interrupted only by the incidental injury resulting from cessation 


of service, and not by boycotts or sympathetic strikes not related to 


the bettering of the conditions of the employees’ service. That this 
principle is firmly established is primarily owing to the clear and 
courageous enunciation of the law by Judge Taft. 


Addyston Pipe & Steel Company Case. 


The same principle of the freedom of interstate commerce from 
illegal restraint declared in the Arthur and Phelan cases was also 
held by Judge Taft to apply to a business combination, or a “trust,” 
in the Addyston Pipe & Steel Company case (85 Fed. Rep., 271). 
In this case there was an allotment of territory, comprising a large 
part of the United States, among a number of companies engaged 
in the manufacture of iron pipes, and in that territory competition 
was eliminated through this allotment of territory, and through a 
system of pretended bidding, giving an appearance of competition, 
at public lettings, when in fact there was no competition. The de- 
cision of the Court of Appeals, rendered by Judge Taft, was after- 
ward affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States. His 
opinion is a notable contribution: to the law, in its masterly analysis 
of the essential distinction between the legitimate contracts in re- 
straint of trade, which are merely ancillary, or incidental, to:some 
lawful contract, and necessary to protect the enjoyment of the legiti- 
mate fruits of that contract, and the agreements where the sole ob- 
ject is a direct restraint of competition, and to enhance and maintain 


2 


» 


prices. ‘These latter agreements are unenforceable at common law, 
and are violative of the anti-trust act when made with reference to 
interstate commerce. 

The distinction here so clearly pointed out has been the basis 
of the construction of the anti-trust.act by the United States Su- 
preme Court in all its subsequent decisions. : 


Taft’s Opinion Supports Unions in Wabash Strike Case. 


~The words of Judge Taft in the Phelan case quoted above, set- 
ting forth the rights of labor organizations under the law, were 
directly invoked and applied on behalf of. the labor unions in a 
notable case, that of the threatened strike on the Wabash Railroad 
by the Brotherhoods of Railroad Trainmen and Firemen in 1903 
(121 Fed. Rep., 563). In this case, the representatives of these two 
brotherhoods, after failing to secure the advance of wages and bet- 
terment of conditions demanded by the brotherhoods, had been 
forced to call a strike as their last resort, and thereupon an injunc- 
tion was filed by the railroad company, in the United States Circuit 
Court in St. Louis, against the officers of these brotherhoods, en- 
joining them from calling a strike on the Wabash, as an interstate 
railroad, on the ground, among others, that the officials of the broth- 
erhoods were not employees of the railroad, and that their action 
in combining in calling a strike would be a direct interference with 
interstate commerce, and was therefore an unlawful conspiracy. 

The rights of organization and the rights of representation, as 
set forth by Judge Taft, were thus directly involved. The writer 
represented those brotherhoods in the hearing on the motion to dis- 
solve the injunction granted in this case, and used the above quoted 
statement of Judge Taft as the most lucid and effective defense of 
the action of the brotherhoods and their officials. The Court (Judge 
Adams) found from the evidence that there was an existing dispute 
about the conditions of service on the railroad, and that the offi- 
cials of the brotherhoods had been directed by the members of the 
brotherhoods to call a strike; that they had a right to be represented 
in such matters by their own officials, and that the two unions had 
a right to act in unison in their effort to secure the betterment of the 
conditions of their members, that an agreement to strike under those 
circumstances was not an unlawful conspiracy, and the injunction 
was thereupon dissolved. 


Taft’s Clear Opinion on Unions. 


It was said in the opinion that on the subject of the organiza- 
tion of labor, and the right cf labor unions, no one had spoken 
more clearly and acceptably than Judge Taft, in this language above 
quoted. (After the dissolution of the injunction, the differences 
between the railroad and its employees were amicably adjusted, and 
the threatened strike was averted.) . 

Thus, while the law was declared by Judge Taft as to the 
limitations upon the lawful action of labor unions, the essential 
principles involved in the right of organization were also announced 


19 


by him in the same opinion. This right of organization of working- 
men in the unions would be futile without the right of representa- 
tion by their own officials in the effort to secure the betterment of 
their conditions. 

There is no foundation, therefore, for the suggestion that the 
decisions of Judge Taft were in any sense unfriendly to labor, 
and it is clear that through his lucid declarations of the rights of 
labor the railroad brotherhoods secured the judicial vindication of 
their right of combination and of representation in their demands 
for the betterment of their conditions. 

While these important decisions were rendered by Judge Taft, 
declaring the freedom of interstate commerce from illegal combina- 
tion both of labor and capital, the limitations upon the rights of 
organized labor, as well as the essential principles involved in the 
right of organization for the betterment of their conditions, it would 
be an imputation upon the brilliant judicial record of Judge Taft to 
suggest that in any of these opinions he declared the law as a friend 
of any class, or that he made any judicial utterance in any of the 
cases otherwise than as a living oracle of the law, bound to declare, 
in every case brought before him, not his own private judgment, but 
the judgment of the law. 


TAFT ON THE BENCH. 


BY HOWARD C, HOLLISTER, 


Judge of Cincinnati Court of Common Pleas, 


(From The Green Bag, July, 1908.) 

It is difficult to say when the education of William H. Taft in 

the law actually began. His father, Alphonso Taft, was a lawyer 
of great learning, had been a Judge of the Superior Court of Cin- 
cinnati, and was engaged in important active practice of the law for 
forty years. Charles P. Taft and Peter R. Taft, William’s older 
brothers, were members of the Bar in active practice for a number 
of years as partners of their father, and lived, during their brother’s 
earlier years, at home. With the exception of the two years from 
January, 1883, to January, 1885, Mr. Taft has been in public office 
since January, 1881, in each instance, except when elected to the 
Superior Court Branch, having been called to an appointive office, 
and never through any solicitation of his own. 

When on that Bench, so great had his reputation for fairness, 
thoroughness and knowledge of the law become that leading lawyers 
sought to time the trial of important and close cases so that they 
might come before him. The reports of his decisions as Judge of 


M1 


that Court and as Judge of the Circuit Court of Appeals are mines 
of apt precedents of great assistance now to members of the pro- 
fession in the preparation of their cases. Perhaps his most import- 


ant decisions as Judge of the Superior Court of Cincinnati were 


the Southern Railroad cases, involving questions arising from the 


ever-issue of stock of the C. N. O. & T. P. Railway Company 


through the fraud of Doughty, its secretary, and the carelessness 
of Cook, its president; the Telephone case, involving the relative 


rights of the Telephone Company and of a street railroad operated 


by electricity, both having franchises in the streets of Cincinnati, 
to the use of the ground as a return circuit; and the case of Moores. 


v. Bricklayers’ Union, in which he set out at great length the rela- 
tive rights, under the law, of employers and employees in their 


dealings with each other, and particularly with respect to the legal 
status of a secondary boycott. 


Taft’s Opinions Become Recognized Principies, . 
This decision was affirmed by the Supreme Court of Ohio, and 


so clearly had Judge Taft stated the facts and the law that the Su- 


preme Court’s affirmance was made without opinion. The prin- 
ciples declared in this case have been recognized by judges and 
lawyers all over the country, were reaffirmed by Judge Taft in the 


Phelan case, decided by him when Judge of the Circuit Court of 


Appeals, and he said in his recent address at Cooper Institute on 


“Capital and Labor” that he had never departed from his views as — 


expressed in that case. 

Scarcely a year and a half of his term had elapsed when, a 
vacancy occurring in the cffice of the Solicitor General of the United 
States, he was, at the suggestion of Benjamin Butterworth, then in 


Congress, and John Addison Porter, editor of the Hartford Post 


and afterward secretary to President McKinley, seconded by the 


efforts of leading members of the Bar and former colleagues of the 


Superior Court Bench, appointed to that office by President Harrison 
in January of 1890. 

The quality of his equipment for this service found immediate 
recognition at Washington. It was his duty to represent the Gov- 
ernment in the trial of most of its cases before the Supreme Court, 
to act as Attorney General in the absence of that officer, to prepare 
the most important opinions requested by the President or the heads 


of Departments, except such as afe required by law to be written by | 
the Attorney General in person, and generally to confer on intricate 
and important questions of law and administrative policy with the. 


Attorney General and the Assistant Attorneys General. 


Three Important Cases. 


Of exceptional importance were the Behring Sea cases (In re 


Cooper, 138 U. 5S. 404; 143 U. S. 472), the Quorum case (U.'S. w. 
Ballin, 144 U. S. 1), and the Tariff Act cases (Field v. Clark, 143 
th. 040). 

“~ “In the first of these, one Cooper, a British subject, owner of 


42 


a 
EE — ~~ ee = 


the schooner “W. P. Sayward,” the Canadian Government also in- 
tervening, had petitioned for a writ of prohibition against the. en- 
forcement of a sentence of forfeiture and condemnation entered by 
the District Court of Alaska on a libel filed by the United States 
against that vessel for the alleged illegal killing of fur seals. Leave 
to file the petition was granted, but on return of the rule to show 
cause, the Supreme Court declined to issue the writ. 

The second involved the question of the legality of an act in the 
passing of which the Speaker of the House counted, in determining - 
_ whether a quorum was present or not, members who were actually 
present but did not vote. 

In the Tariff cases it was held that the validity of an act of 
Congress, signed by the presiding officers of the two Houses and 
approved by the President, could not be attacked by anything on the 
journals of either House showing that the act did not in fact pass 
- in the precise ferm in which it was so authenticated. These cases 
attracted wide attention. The Solicitor General participated in the 
argument of all of them. In the Behring Sea case the principal 
argument was made by him. He prepared the brief in that case and 
in the Tariff cases, and it is agreed that they are monuments of tire-* 
less energy and research. Judge Taft’s reputation among the judges 
and the great lawyers in this wide field’: was now completely estab- 
lished, and when, under the act creating the Circuit Court of Ap- 
peals, a new Judge was to be appointed in each circuit, President 
Harrison, himself a lawver of consummate ability, whose discern- 
ment had long since discovered the judicial qualities of the Solicitor 
General, appointed him to the Judgeship in the Sixth Circuit. This 
was in March, 1892, and for eight vears he contributed his full share 
to the strength of a court of recognized character and capacity, 


Railway Brotherhoods Accept Decision. 


It was his fortune to be called to preside over many important 
cases and some of especial moment involving the constitutional. in- 
dustrial, and partly social questions then and now dominating in the 
public mind all other matters of governmental administration and 
power. 

Such were the Ann Arbor Railroad case in 1893 (Toledo, Ann 
Arbor & North Michigan Ry. Co. v. Pennsylvania Co., 54 Fed. Rep. 
730), the Phelan case in 1894 (Thomas v. C. N. O. & T. P. Ry. Co., 
62 Fed. Rep. 803), and the Addyston Pipe case in 1898 (U. S. v. 
Addyston Pipe & Steel Co., 85 Fed. Rep. 271) and others. 

Engineers of the Tcledo & Ann Arbor Railroad were on strike. 
Rule 12 of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, to which they 
belonged, required members of the Brotherhood, engineers of con- 
necting roads, to refuse to handle the cars of that road until the 
strike was settled. Injunction was sought by the Ann Arbor Rail- 
road against the connecting roads on the ground that refusal by them 
to haul complainant’s cars was an interference with its right and 
duty to transport interstate commerce, and a mandatory order 
against Chief Arthur of the Brotherhood was asked, requiring him 


13 


not to enforce that rule. Judge Taft shows clearly that, under the 
law, a temporary mandatory order was the only remedy which could 
prevent irreparable injury to interstate commerce, and that the 
nature of the service performed by engineers on railroads carrying 
commerce between the States was of such a character that the com- 
bination among the engineers employed on roads other than the one 
complained of by its engineers was a boycott and therefore unlawful. 

The view expressed in this case has not only received the ap- 
proval of the courts and the public gencrally, but the attorney for 
the Railroad Brotherhoods in the Wabash case (121 Fed. Rep. 
563), Mr. Frederick N. Judson of St. Louis, says (and it is well 
known), “was accepted by the Railroad Brotherhoods as a fair state- 
ment of the law under the peculiar conditions of the railroad ser- 
WiCEL 

The Cincinnati Southern Railroad was in the hands of a re- 
ceiver appcinted by the United States Circuit Court. The receiver 
was under contract with the PuJlman Company to operate its cars. 
Phelan and cthers, officers of the American Railway Union, for the 
purpose of injuring the Pullman Company and compelling it to ac- 
cede to their demand for higher wages for certain persons, its em- . 
ployees but not employed by the receiver or by any other railroad, 
conspired to prevent the receiver and the owners of other railroads 
from using Pullman cars in the operation of their roads by inciting 
members of the Railway Union employed by the receiver to refuse 
to handle Pullman cars. The testimony showed clearly that Phelan 
was engaged in a conspiracy “to incite the employees of all of the 
railways in the country to suddenly quit their service, without any 
dissatisfaction with the terms of their employment, thus paralyzing 
utterly all railway’ traffic in order to starve the railway companies 
and the public into compelling an owner of cars used in operating 
the roads to pay his employees more wages, they having no lawful 
right to compel him.” Judge Taft held this to be a boycott and an 
unlawful conspiracy at common law, and also that such a combina- 
tion, its purpose being to paralyze the interstate commerce of the 
country, was within the provisions of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. 

It is very interesting to note that the Supreme Court of the 
United States (Loewe v. Lawlor, 28 Supreme Court Rep. 301, Feb- 
ruary, 1908), have recently held that a boycott of that kind came 
within the inhibition of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act as a conspiracy 
in restraint of interstate commerce. 


Right of Organization Defined. 


Judge Taft showed that a boycott of this character has been 


held to be illegal by every court in which the question has arisen, — 


and his exposition of the rights of employees is accepted as a clear 
declaration of the law on the subject. In defining their rights he 
said, with much else that was pertinent, they “had the right to. 
organize into or to join a labor union which should take joint action 
as to their terms of employment. It is a benefit to them and to the 


14 


+ 


public that laborers should unite in their common interest and for 
lawful purposes. They have labor to sell. If they stand together 
they are often able, ali of them, to command better prices for their 


_labor than when dealing singly with rich employers, because the 


interest of the single employee may compel him to accept any terms 
from him. . . . They have a right to appoint officers who 
shall advise them as to the course to be taken by them in their re- 
lations with their employer. They may unite with other unions. 
The officers they appoint, or any other person to whom they choose 
to listen, may advise them as to the proper course to be taken by 
them in regard to their employment, or if they choose to repose 
such authority in any one, he may order them, on pain of expulsion 
from the union, peaceably to leave the employ of their employer 
because any of the terms of their employment are unsatisfactory.” 

It is from the decisions in the Ann Arbor case and the Phelan 
case that the misguided zeal of political opponents has tried to dis- 
cover in Judge Taft an unfriendliness to organized labor as such. 
No fair-minded man, acquainted with these cases and with the 
Addyston Pipe case, and with Judge Taft’s entire career, will enter- 
tain the thought for a moment. Mr. Judson has shown, in a most 
thorough analysis of those cases and of Moores wv. Bricklayers’ 
Union how senseless such a suggestion is (The Review of Reviews, 
August, 1907). He was able, as attorney for the Brotherhoods in 
the Wabash case, to use the opinion of Judge Taft in the Phelan 
case, quoted above, in defense of the right of organized labor to 
appoint advisers and be governed by their instructions in contro- 
versies with their employees, so long, of course, as they acted, in 


_ their operations, within the laws governing the relative rights of 


employers and employees. Judge Adams, in his opinicn in the 
Wabash case, savs: 

“On the subject of organized labor no one has spoken more 
clearly or acceptably than did Judge Taft in the case of Thomas v. 
C.N, O. & T. P. Ry. Co. (Phelan case).” 


Manufacturers’ Combination Checked. 


But a combination of manufacturers, unmindful of the law, 
also met with a declaration of the law by Judge Taft which put an 
end to their conspiracy and to all cthers of a similar character. 

The facts in the Addyston Pipe case showed that manufacturers 
of cast iron pipe, one a corporation of Ohio, one in Kentucky, two in 
Tennessee and two in Alabama, entered into an agreement cover- 
ing thirty-six States and Territories, by which they bound them- 
selves to bid in such a way for contracts as that one of them would 
in all probability get the award as against others not in the com- 
bination. It was held to be a contract in restraint of interstate com- 
merce. Here first the Sherman Anti-Trust Act was applied to illegal - 
combinations among manufacturers. Judge Taft held that the rea- 
sonable restraints of trade recognized by common law, which are 


merely ancillary to some lawful contract between the parties, did 


15 


nat extend to agreements the sole purpose of which was to restrain 
competition and enhance and maintain prices, and that. this agree~ 
ment was not only illegal at common law, but, affecting as it did 
commerce between the “States, -was an- unlawful combination under 
the act against trusts and monopolies This decision was affirmed 
by the Supreme Court (175 U.S. 211), and it is to be noted that 
the principles declared by Judge Taft in all.of the cases in which 
he had taken apparently advanced ground relative to the scope and 
application of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, pave received the affirm- 
ance of the highest tribunal in the land. ~ | 

He gave *his decisions in these -cases, asin. all others, without 
fear or favor and without respect to persons. His aim. was to ascer- 
tain the law and then declare it regardless of individuals or com- 
binations of individuals who might be affected thereby. _ 

On the one hand, the ill- advised laboring man, going beyond 
his rights, and on the other, the greedy manufacturer exceeding. his 
rights, have each felt the repressing hand of. this courageous | ex- 
pounder of the law. And if he had taken any other position than 
he did, he would have forfeited the respect. of both. But he could 
not, for he must declare the law as he found it, aah the. weakness 
of expediency is not in the man. 


Injunction for Blacklisted Laborer. 


t so happens from the nature of things that injunctions have 
ordinarily been sought, when labor questions were involved, by the 
employer, usually some wealthy corporation. This fact undoubtedly 
prompted the inquiry put to Judge Taft by someone in the audience 
on the occasion of his speech on “Capital and Labor” at Cooper 
Institute,- January I0, 1908. 

“Why,” asked his interlocutor, “should not a blacklisted laborer 
be allowed an injunction as well as a boycctted capitalist ?” 

Instantly came the answer: “He ought to be, and if I were on 
the Bench, I would give him one mighty quick.” 

That suggestion of unfriendliness comes either from dishonesty 
or ignorance. The searcher for truth, be he capitalist or laboring 
man, when he reads these cases, the answer of Judge Taft to 
the letter of January 4, 1908, addressed to ‘him by Mr. Llewelyn 
Lewis, president of the Ohio Federation of Labor, the address be- 
fore the Cooper Institute, January Io, 1908, and the answers to the ~ 
questions put to Judge Tait on that occasion, will come away from 
their perusal with a profound respect and admiration for this fair- 
minded man. 


373 


Letter of © 
President Roosevelt 


To CONRAD KOHRS 


Regarding the Candidacy of 


William H. Taft 


“The honest wage-worker, the honest laboring 
man, the honest mechanic, or small trader, or man 
of small means, can feel that in a peculiar sense Mr. 
Taft will be his representative.” 


THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 


Mr. Conrad Kohrs, of Helena, Montana, is an old-time Montana cattle- 
man and one of the most prominent citizens of Montana. He and the 
President came into close relationship more than twenty years ago when 
they were both members of the Montana Stock Growers’ Association, the 
President being at that time the representative of the Little Missouri Stock 
Growers in the association. The intimacy has been kept up ever since. Mr. 
KKohrs is one of the pioneer citizens of the Northern Rocky Mountain region 
and one of the men who has taken a leading part in its great development. 

Mr. Kohrs’ letter was called forth by Mr. Bryan’s statement that he 
(Mr. Bryan) was the President’s heir and natural successor. 


PRESIDENT’S LETTER. 


SAGAMORE HI, 
Oyster Bay, N. Y., September 9, 1908. 

My Dear Mr. Konurs: | 
_ T have received your letter about the candidacy of Mr. Taft, the man 
who I feel is in an especial sense the representative of all that in which I 
most believe in political life. | 

Every good citizen should desire to see both prosperity and justice, 
prosperity and fair and righteous dealing as between man and man, obtain 
permanently in this great republic, As a people we are justly proud of our 


ie 


business industry, of our energy and intelligence in our work; and it is 
entirely right that we should ask ourselves as to any given course of con- 
duct, “Will it be profitable?” But it is also no less emphatically true that 
the bulk of our people, the plain people who found in Abraham Lincoln 
their especial champion and spokesman, regard the question, “Is this morally 
right?” as even more important than the question, “Is this profitable?” 
when applied to any given course of conduct. Indeed, in the long run our 
people are sure to find that in all dealings, alike in the business and the 
political world, what is really profitable is that which is morally right. The 
last few years have seen a great awakening of the public conscience and: 
the growth of a stern determination to do away with corruption and unfair 
dealing, political, economic, social. It is urgently necessary that this great’ 
reform movement should go on. But no reform movement is healthy if_it 
goes on by spasms; if it is marked by periods of frenzied advance, followed, 
as such periods of frenzied advance must always be followed, by equally 
violent periods of reaction. The revolutionary and the reactionary really 
play into one another's hands, to the extent that each by his excesses neces- 
sarily tends to arouse such disgust, such a feeling of revolt, in the minds of 
quiet people, as temporarily to restore the other to power. To permit the 
direction of our public affairs to fall alternately into the hands of revolu- 
tionaries and reactionaries, of the extreme radicals of unrest and of the 
bigoted conservatives who recognize no wrongs to remedy, would merely 
mean that the nation had embarked on a feverish course of violent oscilla- 
tion which would be fraught with great temporary trouble, and would pro- 
duce no adequate good in the end. The true friend of teform, the true 
foe of abuses, is the man who steadily perseveres in righting wrongs, in 
warring against abuses, but whose character and training are such that he 
never promises what he cannot perform, that he always a little more than 
makes good what he does promise, and that, while steadily advancing, he 
never permits himself to be led into foolish excesses which would damage 
the very cause he champions. 


High Qualifications of Mr. Taft. 


In Mr. Taft we have a man who combines all of these qualities to a de- 
gree which no other man in our public life since the Civil War has sur- 
passed. To a flaming hatred of injustice, to a scorn of all that is base and 
mean, to a hearty sympathy with the opprest, he unites entire disinterested- 
ness, courage both moral and physical of the very highest type, and a kindly 
generosity of nature which makes him feel that all of his fellow-countrymen 
are in very truth his friends and brothers, that their interests are his, and 
that all his great qualities are to be spent with lavish freedom in their ser- 
vice. The honest man of means, the honest and law-abiding business man, 
can feel safe in his hands because of the very fact that the dishonest man 


3 


of great wealth, the man who swindles or robs his fellows, would not so 
much as dare to defend his evil-doing in Mr. Taft’s presence. The honest 
wage-worker, the honest laboring man, the honest farmer, the honest me- 
chanic or small trader, or man of small means, can feel that in a peculiar 
sense Mr. Taft will be his representative because of the very fact that he 
has the same scorn for the demagog that he has for the corruptionist, and 
that he would front threats of personal violence from a mob with the un- 
quailing and lofty indifference with which he would front the bitter anger 
of the wealthiest and most powerful corporations. Broad tho his sympa- 
thies are, there is in him not the slightest tinge of weakness. No considera- 
tion of personal interest, any more than of fear for his personal safety, 
could make him swerve a hair’s breadth from the course which he regards 
as right and in the interest of the whole people. 


Test of Ten Years’ Intimacy. 


I have naturally a peculiar interest in the success of Mr. Taft, and in 
seeing him backed by a majority in both houses of Congress which will 
heartily support his policies. For the last ten years, while 1 have been Gov- 
ernor of New York and President, I have been thrown irfto the closest in- 
timacy with him, and he and I have on every essential point stood in heart- 
iest agreement, shoulder to shoulder. We have the same views as to what 
is demanded by the national interest and honor, both within our own bor- 
ders, and as regards the relations of this nation with other nations. There 
is no fight for decency and fair dealing which I have waged in which I have 
not had his heartiest and most effective sympathy and support, and the pol- 
icies for which I stand are his policies as much as mine. 

It is not possible in the space of this letter to discuss all the many and 
infinitely varied questions of moment with which Mr. Taft as President 
would have to deal; let him be judged by what he has himself done, and by 
what the administration, in which he has played so conspicuous a part, has 
done. But to illustrate just what his attitude is, let me touch on two matters 
now prominent in the public mind. 


Justice Certain From Mr. Taft. 


Mr. Taft can be trusted to exact justice from the railroads for the very 
reason that he can be trusted to do justice to the railroads. The railroads 
are the chief instruments of interstate commerce in the country, and they 
can neither be held to a proper accountability on the one hand nor given 
proper protection on the other, save by the affirmative action of the Federal 
Government. The law as laid down by the Federal courts clearly shows 
that the States have not and cannot devise laws adequate to meet the prob- 

lems caused by the great growth of the railroads doing an interstate com- 


4 


merce business, for more than four-fifths of the business of the railroads is 
interstate, and under the Constitution of the United States only the Federal 
Government can exercise control thereover. It is absolutely necessary that 
this control should be affirmative and thorogoing. All interstate business 
carried on by the great corporations should, in the interest of the whole 
people, be far more closely supervised than at present by the National Gov- 
ernment; but this is especially true of the railroads, which cannot exist at 
all save by the exercise of powers granted them on behalf of the people, 
and which, therefore, should be held to a peculiar accountability to the 
people. It is in the interest of the people that they should not be permitted 
to do injustice ; and it is no less to the interest of the people that they should 
not suffer injustice. Their prime purpose is to carry the commodities of the 
farmers and the business men; they could not be built save for the money 
contributed to them by their shareholders; they could not be run at all 
save for the money paid out in wages to the railroad employees ; and, finally, 
they could not be run judiciously, or profitably to any one, were it not for 
the employment by them of some masterful guiding intelligence, whether of 
one man of of a group of men. There are therefore several sets of inter- 
ests to be considered. Each must receive proper consideration, and when any 
one of them selfishly demands exclusive consideration the demand must be 
refused. Along certain lines all of these groups have the same interests. 
It is to the interest of shipper, farmer, wage-worker, business man, honest — 
shareholder, and honest manager alike that there should be economy, hon- 
esty, intelligence, and fair treatment of all. 


Reform Benefits the Honest, 


To put an effective stop to stock watering would be a benefit to every-- 
body except the swindlers who profit by stock watering; it would benefit the 
honest shareholder because honest investments would not be brought into 
competition with mere paper; it would benefit the wage-worker because 
when the money earned does not have to go to paying interest on watered 
capital, more of it is left, out of which to pay wages; it would benefit the 
shipper because when only honest stockholders have to be paid interest, 
rates need not be improperly raised; it would benefit the public because 
there would be ample money with which to give efficient service. Similarly, 
the prevention of favoritism as among shippers does no damage to any one 
who is honest, and confers great good upon the smaller business man and 
the farmer, whom it relieves of oppression. Again, such supervision of ac- 
counts and management as will prevent crookedness and oppression works 
good, directly or indirectly, to all honest people. Therefore everything that 
can be done along all these lines should be done; and no man’s legitimate in- 
terest would thereby be hurt. But after this point has been reached great 
care must be exercised not to work injustice to one class in the effort to 


5 


show favor to another class, and each class naturally tends to remember 
only its own needs. The stockholders must receive an ample return on 
their investments, or the railroads cannot be built and successfully main- 
‘tained; and the rates to shippers and the wages to employees, from the 
highest to the lowest, must all be conditioned upon this fact. On the other 
hand, in a public service corporation we have no right to allow such excess- 
ive profits as will necessitate rates being unduly high and wages unduly 
low. Again, while in all proper ways rates must be kept low, we must al- 
Ways remember that we have no right and no justification to reduce them 
when the result is the reduction of the wages of the great army of railroad 
‘men. A fair working arrangement must be devised according to the needs 
of the several cases, so that profits, wages and rates shall each be reasonable 
with reference to the other two—and in wages I include the properly large 
amounts which should always be paid to those whose masterful ability is 
required for the successful direction of great enterprises. Combinations 
which favor such an equitable arrangement should themselves be favored 
and not forbidden by law; altho they should be strictly supervised by the 
Government thru the Interstate Commerce Commission, which should have 
the power of passing summarily upon not only the question of the reduction 
but the raising of rates. 


Dangers of Demagogy. 


This railroad problem is itself one of the phases of one of the greatest ° 
‘and most intricate problems of our civilization; for its proper solution we 
‘need not merely honesty and courage, but judgment, good sense and entire 
_fairmindedness. Demagogy in such a matter is as certain to work evil as 
“corruption itself. The man who promises to raise the wages of railroad em- 
|\ployees to the highest point and at the same time to reduce rates to the low- 
“est point is promising what neither he nor anyone else can perform; and if 
the effort to perform it were attempted disaster would result to both shipper 
and wage-worker, and ruin to the business interests of the country. The 
man to trust in such a matter as this is the man who, like Judge Taft, does 
not promise too much, but who could not be swayed from the path of duty 
| by any argument, by any consideration ; who will wage relentless war on the 
successful wrongdoer among railroad men as among all other men; who will 
‘do all that can be done to secure legitimately low rates to shippers and abso- 
lute evenness among the rates thus secured; but who will neither promise 
hor attempt to secure rates so low that the wage-earner would lose his 
earnings and the shareholder, whose money built the road, his profits. He 
will not favor a ruinous experiment like government ownership of railways; 
he will stand against any kind of confiscation of honestly acquired property ; 
but he will work effectively for the most efficient type of government super- 
vision and control of railways, so as to secure just and fair treatment of the 
people as a whole. 


6 
Mr. Taft a Friend of Labor. 


What is here said as to his attitude on the railway question applies ti 
the whole question of the trusts. He will promise nothing on this subjec) 
unless he firmly believes he can make his promise good. He will go into n¢| 
chimerical movement to destroy all great business combinations; for this! 
can only be done by destroying all modern business ; but he will in practica 
fashion do everything possible to secure such efficient control, on behalf of 
the people as a whole, over these great combinations as will deprive them. 
of the power to work evil. Mr. Taft’s decision in the Addyston Pipe Line 
case while on the bench is proof, by deeds, not by words, of the far-sighted 
wisdom with which he serves the interests of the whole people even when. 
those of the most powerful corporations are hostile thereto. ; 

If there is one body of men more than another whose support I feel I 
have a right to challenge on behalf of Secretary Taft it is the body of wage- 
workers of the country. A stauncher friend, a fairer and truer representa-_ 
tive, they cannot find within the borders of the United States. He will do 
everything in his power for them except to do that which is wrong; he will 
do wrong tor no man, and therefore can be trusted by all men. During 
the ten years of my intimate acquaintance with him, since I have myself, as. 
Governor and President, been obliged to deal practically with labor prob=) 
lems, he has been one of the men upon whose judgment and aid I could | 
always rely in doing everything possible for the cause of the wage-worker, 


ets! 


A 


of the man who works with his hands, or with both hands and head. 


Labor’s Confidence in Mr. Taft. 


Mr. Taft has been attacked because of the injunctions he delivered while i 
on the bench.- I am content to rest his case on these very injunctions; I 


little better than his word, and the fact that before election he will nol | 


promise the impossible is in itself a guaranty that after election all that is 
possible will be done. | 


7 


His record as a judge makes the whole country his debtor. His actions 
and decisions are part of the great traditions of the bench. They guaran- 
teed and set forth in striking fashion the rights of the general public as 
against the selfish interests of any class, whether of capitalists or of laborers. 
They set forth and stand by the rights of the wage-workers to organize 


and to strike, as unequivocally as they set forth and stand by the doctrine 


that no conduct will be tolerated that would spell destruction to the nation 
as a whole. As for the attack upon his injunctions in labor disputes, made 
while he was on the bench, I ask that the injunctions be carefully exam- 
ined. I ask that every responsible and fairminded labor leader, every re- 
sponsible and fairminded member of a labor organization, read these 
injunctions for himself. If he will do so, instead of condemning them he 
will heartily approve of them and will recognize this further astonishing 


‘fact that the principles laid down by Judge Taft in these very injunctions, 


which laboring people are asked to condemn, are themselves the very prin- 


“ciples which are now embodied in the laws or practices of every responsible 
Tabor organization. No responsible organization would now hesitate to con- 


demn the abuses against which Judge Taft’s injunctions were aimed. 


Charter of Liberty. 


The principles which he therein so wisely and fearlessly laid down 
Serve as a charter of liberty for all of us, for wage-workers, for employers, 
for the general public; for they rest on the principle of fair dealing for all, 
of even-handed justice for all. They mark the judge who rendered them 
as standing for the rights of the whole people; as far as daylight is from 
darkness, so far is such a judge from the time-server, the truckler to the 
mob, or the cringing tool of great, corrupt and corrupting corporations. 
Judge Taft on the bench—as since, in the Philippines, in Panama, in Cuba, 


in the War Department—showed himself to be a wise, a fearless, and an 


upright servant of the whole people, whose services to the whole people 


were beyond all price. Moreover, let all good citizens remember: that he 
rendered these services, not when it was easy to do so, but when lawless 
‘violence was threatened, when malice, domestic and civic disturbance threat- 
ened the whole fabric of our government and of civilization; his actions 
‘showed not only the highest kind of moral courage, but of physical courage 


as well, for his life was freely and violently threatened. 
Let all fairminded men, wage-workers and capitalists alike, consider yet 


another fact. In one of his decisions upon the bench Judge Taft upheld in 


the strongest fashion, and for the first time gave full vitality to, the prin- 
ciple of the employers’ liability for injuries done workmen. This was be- 


fore any national law on the subject was enacted. Judge Taft’s sense of 
right, his indignation against oppression in any form, against any attitude 


that is not fair and just, drove him to take a position which was violently 


8 


condemned by short-sighted capitalists and employers of labor, which was 
so far in advance of the time that it was not generally upheld by the Stat 
courts, but which we are now embodying in the law of the land. Judge 
Taft was a leader, a pioneer, while on the bench, in the effort to get justic 
for the wage-worker, in jealous championship of his rights; and all uprigh 
and farsighted laboring men should hold it to his credit that at the sam 
time he fearlessly stood against the abuses of labor, just as he fearless| 
stood against the abuses of capital. | 


President of the People. 


If elected, he has shown by his deeds that he will be President of 1 
class, but of the people as a whole; he can be trusted to stand stout 
against the two real enemies of our democracy—against the man who 1 
please one class would undermine the whole foundation of orderly libert 
and against the man who in the interest of another class would secut 
business prosperity by sacrificing every right of the working people. 

I have striven as President to champion in every proper way the inte 
ests of the wage-worker ; for I regard the wage-worker, excepting only 
farmer, the tiller of the soil, as the man whose well-being is most essenti 
to the healthy growth of this great nation. I would for no consideratio 
advise the wage-worker to do what I thought was against his interest. 
ask his support for Mr. Taft exactly as I ask such support from every fat 
sighted and right-thinking American citizen; because I believe with all m1 
heart that nowhere within the borders of our great country can there f 
found another man who will as vigilantly and efficiently as Mr. Taft suf 
port the rights of the working man as he will the rights of every man wh 
in good faith strives to do his duty as an American citizen. He will pre 
tect the just rights of both rich and poor, and he will war relentlessly agains 
lawlessness and injustice whether exercised on behalf of property or 0 
labor. ; d 

On the bench Judge Taft showed the two qualities which make a greé 


judge: wisdom and moral courage. They are also the two qualities whic 
make a great President. | 


Sincerely yours, 


-THEODORE ROOSEVELT, 


Mr. Conran Kours, 
Helena, Montana. 


WILLIAM H. TAFT 


An Appreciation 
by 


Rev. Lyman Abbott, D. D. 


From The Outlook, April 4, 1908 


What one of America’s Most Distin- 
guished Divines Thinks of the 
Republican Candidate 
for the Presidency 


WILLIAM H. TAFT. 


By Rev. Dr, LYMAN ABBOTT. 


(From The Outlook, April 4, 1908.) 


“The difficulty with ‘Taft as a candidate,” said to me one of his 
most intimate friends and active supporters, “is that he takes no 
iterest in his own candidacy. He is wholly absorbed in his work, 
especially in the Filipinos, and ieaves the campaign to others. ‘My 
dear fellow,’ I say to him, ‘you are not running for the President of 
the Philippine Islands.’ But it makes no difference to him. Cuba, 
Panama, and the Philippine Islands are much more interesting to 
him than the National Republican Convention.” 

This absorption in his work is not merely an executive’s ambi- 
tion for achievement; it is not merely a pnilosopher’s interest in 
problems. Mr. Taft’s interest is in men, not in theories. ‘The prob- 
lem of labor and capital is for him how to promote justice between 
employers and employed and the welfare of both. His interest in 
Panama is how to conserve the health and the happiness of the men 
who are digging the canal. How to reduce the death rate is of more 
consequence to him than how to increase the number of cubic yards 
of earth displaced each week. The colonial problem he regards not 
as a curious political question to be worked out in algebraic terms; 
it is how to promote the welfare of a distant people whose well-being 
depends on our success or failure in colonial administration. 


“Father of the Filipinos.” 


It was this interest in men which led him to abandon his chosen 
judicial career and fling away the opening for certain preferment 
‘which lay before him and go to the Philippines to organize a gov- 
ernment and attempt what had never before been attempted, to teach 
an Oriental people to become self-governing. “You are the Father 
of the Philippines,” said a friend to him the other day. “Oh, no,” 
he answered, “I am not; but what I would like to be called is the 
Father of the Filipinos.” It is the Filipinos, not the Philippines, 
that interest him; it is not the islands but the islanders he wishes 
to develop. The sugar industry in the islands he does not wish to 
promote, because it develops social conditions that do not promise 
well for the political and industrial development of the people. It 
is this intensely human quality of Mr. Taft’s which makes men wish 
that he might be the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. For our 
courts need humanizing. ‘They need to realize that they are dealing 
with living men and women, not with abstract problems in political 
economy and legal construction. And there is no man who could 
do more than Judge Taft to humanize our courts, and no place in 
which he could do so much as on the Supreme Court bench. I do 
not believe that he would have agreed with the majority of the Su- 


3 


preme Court in holding unconstitutional the labor law of New York — 
limiting the hours of labor in the bakeries of the State. To him a 
man’s life is of more value than an abstract but unrealizegl liberty 


of private contract. 


Free from Race or Class Prejudice | 


It is this human quality in Mr. Taft that gives him his popular 
sobriquet of Bill Taft. He likes men, and he likes all sorts of men 
except those that are dishonest or disloyal. . He was the most popu- 
lar Governor the Filipinos have ever had. This was not wholly be- 
cause he was absolutely just, was loyal to their interests, urged the 
earliest possible substitution of civil law for military law, and offered 
an invincible opposition to all schemes of exploiting the islands for — 
the benefit of unscrupulous American pioneers. He was the personal 
friend of the Filipinos; he believed in them, defended them, be- 
friended them, trusted them, and—danced with them. This last fact, 
I am inclined to think, went as far as any, perhaps as all of the others 
combined, to make the Filipinos idolize him, as they certainly do. 
For Judge Taft is in the best sense of the term a democrat. He is © 
as free from race and class prejudices of every description as any 
man I have ever known. He is as thoroughly a believer in the © 
motto, A man’s a man for a’ that. His friendship for the Filipino 
is not a patronizing friendship. It is that of a big, wise, helpful 
brother. 

Mr. Taft dancing with the Filipino ladies, who are decidedly 
below the average American in both weight and height, while I be- 
lieve Mr. Taft turns the scales only at three hundred pounds, has 
been the theme of some wondering amusement on the part of those 
who have only seen Mr. Taft on the platform, or caricatures of him 
in the press. In fact, he is far from the corpulent and elephantine 
person he is sometimes described as being. 


As to the Matter of Physique. 


The Boston American, which cannot be suspected of having any 
partisan fondness for him, in a recent semi-humorous description, 
hit off his physical personality very well: 7 


_ Mr. Taft is the kind of man you would expect to find in the president’s 
office of a bank if you went in to start an account. His appearance would 
give you confidence in the bank. You would say to yourself, “This man 
will not let the bank fail if he can possibly help it.” = 


5 They have talked a great deal about Mr. Taft as a fat man. He is not 
actavarnenr lk Tale has a good broad chest and he stands straight. Below 
that chest there is a semi-circle. But it isn’t the kind of a round stom2ch 
that comes from dissipation or self-indulgence. It is due to the fact that 


Mr. Taft has a powerful constitution : ee 
and has 
sufficient exercise. as not given that constitution 


I agree with the American that it would be better for Mr. Taft 
and better for the Nation if he would take more exercise. But he 
perhaps takes more than the average reporter seeing him on the 


4 


nletform would imagine. One thinks of a man of his build as a 
believer in the Arab proverb, “Never walk when you can ride, and 
never stand when you can sit.” But Mr. Taft is not an Arab. ‘There 
ic nothing of the Oriental love of ease in his make-up. He likes to 
walk up and down as he talks to you in his office, and is so light 
on his feet as he walks that you can readily understand that he 
may be a notably good dancer despite his avoirdupois. He will put 
his hands in liis pockets much as the President does, and, beginning 
his walk at the fireplace, will walk to the windows of his office, then 
down its full length, or at right angles down the side of his desk to 
the opposite wall, and then right about face and back again to the 
point of departure, and so on continuously. 


Taft a Master Workman. 


Mr. Taft’s intensity is expressed by his activity. He is a quieter 
worker than Edwin M. Stanton was, but he is not a less active 
worker. He is not as quick in his motions, either physically or in- 
tellectually, as the President; but he is not less a master workman. 
The day he was to start for Cuba he was at his desk finishing up 
some last details. His assistant gave him warning: ‘Train starts 
in half an hour.” “All right,’ was the reply. Presently a second 
warning. “Only fifteen minutes left, sir.” “All right.” Finally, 
“You've only three minutes left, sir.” ‘All right,” came back as 
serenely as before. And in two minutes the alert Secretary of War 
came out of the office door smiling, calm, imperturbable, unhurried. 
So the story comes to me; and I can well believe it. The legend 
seems probable. | 

_ lé Mr. Taft's intensity is expressed in his actions, his bonhomie 
and his sense of justice are both expressed in his face. There are 
some men whom you like but are not quite sure you can trust; and 
there are some men you can trust but do not quite like. Indeed, I 
am inclined to think that stalwart principle and kindly good nature 
are not very often commingled in equal proportions in the same 
person. But in this respect the faces of Mr. Taft and of Bishop 
Brooks are alike. A child would be as ready to go up to the one 
_as to the other and put its little hand confidingly in his big hand 
and go wherever he led the way. That this quality of attractive and 
unshakable integrity is manifest in Mr. T'aft’s face was apparent to 
the writer in the American from whom I have already quoted. “If 
the boat were sinking, and he could swim and you couldn’t, you’d 
hand him your $50.000—if you had it—saying, ‘Give this to my 
wife, and she'd get it if he lived to get ashore.” 


His Patience Helps His Work, 


Mr. Taft’s good nature, his indifference to self, his apparently 
infinite patience, enables him to get along with men, however cold 
or acerb or crotchety—provided they are honest. ‘‘He can get along 
with some men,” said the President to me recently, “that I can’t get 
along with. We were together in Farrison’s administration. I was 


5 


Civil Service Commissioner; Taft was Solicitor-General. I got on © 
Harrison’s nerves, and whenever I came into the room he set his 
fingers drumming on the desk before him as though it were a piano. 
But Taft had no difficulty. And yet he was always a man of highest 
deals geri wie ee 3 

Mr. Taft has been for a number of years the consistent advocate 
of the policy of government regulation of the great interstate com- 
merce corporations. So far as I know, he was the first judge to 
summon railway receivers into court on a charge of rebating. Nine 
years ago, acting as United States Circuit Judge in Ohio, Mr. Taft 
‘discovered that the receiver of the Toledo, St. Louis and Kansas 
City Railroad Company (popularly known as the “Clover Leaf’) was 
giving rebates extensively. Judge Taft sent an auditor of his own 
selection to the receiver’s office in Toledo. Upon the auditor's Tes 
port, verifying the suspicion, Judge Taft sent for the receiver and 
insisted upon his resignation forthwith. As the Secretary says, No 
criminal prosecution was begun against the receiver. That question 
was left open, and the receiver died within a few days after his 
removal.” | 

It is fortunate for their health and happiness that both Mr. Taft 
and Mr. Roosevelt have a keen sense of humor, and can laugh at the 
asseverations of certain unintentionally comic papers, which take 
themselves quite seriously in their statement that Taft is but an echo 
of his chief. | 


Taft Not an Echo of Roosevelt. 


I first met Judge Taft at the American Bar Association in: De- 
troit, in 1895, where he made an address in which he embodied, in 
his own judicial fashion, the principles concerning the relations of 
the Federal Government to the organizations of both labor and 
capital, the adoption and enforcement of which by the present Ad- 
ministration have brought upon it so much of praise and so much - 
of blame. I shall not attempt here to give an abstract of this paper ; 
a few ee taken from it will suffice to justify my characteriza- 
tion of it: 


The opportunity freely and publicly to criticise judicial action is of 
vastly more importance to the body politic than the immunity of courts and 
judges from unjust aspersion. 

_ Men of good repute, with complacence and intentional ignorance, ac- 
quiesced in the use of corporate funds to buy legislators and councilmen in — 
the corporate interest, when they would not wish or dare to adopt such 
methods in their individual business. 

Another reason for popular distrust of corporate methods is the use © 
by corporations of great amounts of capital to monopolize and control particu- 
lar industries. It is my sincere belief that no such control or monopoly can 
be maintained permanently unless it is buttressed by positive legislation giving 
an undue advantage over the public and competitors. 


In spite of these well known evils, nothing can be clearer to a calm, in- = 


telligent thinker, than that, under conditions of modern society, corporations 
are indispensable both to the further material progress of this country and 
to the maintenance of that we have enjoyed. The evils must be remedied, 


but not by destroying one of the greatest instruments for good that social 
man has devised. ; 


6 


Federal Control of Interstate Commerce. 


The repeated efforts of different State Legislatures to impose restrictions 
upon inter-State commerce to secure some apparent advantage to their own 
constituents evidence the profound wisdom of the framers of the Constitution 
in vesting complete control thereof in the National Government.* 


Like corporations, labor organizations do great good and much evil. The 
more conservatively and intelligently conducted they are, the more benefit they 
confer on their members. The more completely they yield to the dominion 
of those among them who are intemperate of expression and lawless in 
their methods, the more evil they do to themselves and society. 


The courts, so far as they have expressed themselves on the subject, 
recognize the right of men for a lawful purpose to combine to leave their em- 
ployment at the same time, and to use the inconvenience this may cause to 
their employer as a legitimate weapon in the frequently recurring controversy 
as to the amount of wages. It is only when the combination 1s for an un- 
lawful purpose and an unlawful injury is thereby sought to be inflicted, that 
the combination has received the condemnation of the Federal as well as the 
’ State courts. 


How Taft’s Principles Are Roosevelt’s. 


These principles were thus stated in a carefully prepared paper 
by Mr. Taft at a time when Mr. Roosevelt was acting as President 
of the Police Board in the city of New York and had given no public 
utterance of his opinions on the question of great corporations and 
their relation to the Federal Government. Mr. Roosevelt would be 
the first to disavow the notion that he discovered or invented the 
principles which he has so vigorously and so admirably interpreted. 
The merit of his administration is that by the vigor of his utterances 
he has compelled the whole country to recognize their justice and 
set itself under his leadership to their practical application to exist- 
ing conditions. Mr. Taft remains faithful to judicial principles 
which he declared six years before Mr. Roosevelt became President: 
therefore he is an echo of the President! Principles which he has 
maintained for at least a dozen years he refuses to abandon when 
they are adopted by his chief, and therefore he lacks independence! 
He will not enter into an alliance with Mr. Foraker, who is their 
chief National antagonist, and therefore he lacks political wisdom ! 

Mr. Taft and Mr. Roosevelt have been warm personal friends 
ever since they first met in Harrison’s administration in 1890. They 
were equally and simultaneously interested in the colonial problems 
in 1900, when Mr. Roosevelt was Governor of the State of New 
York and Mr. Taft was first President of the Philippine Commis- 
sion. And from that time the four—McKinley, Root, Roosevelt and 
Taft—agreed in the two propositions, The Philippines for the Fili- 
pinos, and Capacity for self-government must precede national in- 
dependence. 

Ever since, in 1878, Mr. Taft was appointed salutatorian by. the 
Yale faculty and class orator by his classmates, he has been known 
as an effective speaker. Eloquent? That depends upon what is 
meant by eloquent. His style is Websterian; he is persuasive and 
convincing rather than electrifying. He compels attention rather 


*Italics are mine—L, A. 


than wins applause. He is not without humor, but the characteristic 

of his addresses is serious purpose. Some orators reflect their audi- 
ences. ‘What my auditors give to me in spray,’ said Mr. Gladstone, 
“1 give them back in drops.” This is often a very useful service; it 
formulates undefined and self-conscious impressions and converts 
them into convictions. Other orators are essentially teachers; they 
do not apply to oratory the law of supply and demand; they give 
their auditors, not what they demand, but what they need. 


His Opinions Known to All. 


It is in the same spirit that he has discussed, sometimes before 
unfriendly, sometimes before indifferent, audiences, during the past — 
five years—to go no further back—and always with absolute frank- 
ness, so that there is no mistaking his opinions, such themes as Our 
Eastern Policy, The Currency Question, The Tariff and Tariff Re- 
vision, Criminal Law, Local Option, Sunday Legislation, The Race 
Question, Panama, Labor and Capital, The Great Corporations, Rail- 
way Rate Regulation. No defining of his position on any important 
question is now necessary... The American people know, or can 
know, where he stands on all National issues. : See 

Of what Mr. Taft has accomplished in Panama, Cuba, Japan, 
China, the Philippines, I do not here speak. For I am not attémpt- 
ing to tell the story of his life, but to give a pen-and-ink silhouette © 
of the man. Comparing him with other Presidential candidates, he 
appears to me to be as independent as Mr. Hughes, and to have had 
a larger experience ; possibly not so good a lawyer as Mr. Knox, but 
a better judge; as human as Mr. Cannon, and possessing ideals 
which Mr. Cannon disavows possessing; as courteous as Mr. Fair- 
banks, with a power of action, and at times of splendid wrath, of 
which Mr. Fairbanks has shown no sign; as truly radical in his ad- 
vocacy of human rights as Mr. La Follette, but, unlike Mr. La 
Follette, equally determined to defend them whether the assailant 
is democracy or plutocracy. ‘T'o define him in a sentence—Mr. Taft 
is a great brain and a great heart in a great body. 


r 


Dangers of 
Bank Guarantee Scheme 


Plan Threatens Very Foundation of Nation’s 
Business and Prosperity 


By VICTOR MORAWETZ 


The Democratic party proposes to impose a tax upon all the 
National banks, in order to provide a guaranty fund which is to be 
applied in paying off the depositors of every bank that fails. Mr. 
Bryan argues with much eloquence in favor of the justice and good 
policy of this measure on the ground that it would protect innocent 
bank depositors from loss; and he claims that the adoption of the 
plan would create such confidence among bank depositors that there 
would be no more runs upon banks and no future financial panics, 
with their consequent trains of disaster and ruin. ’ 

If the adoption of this guaranty plan would bring about these 
beneficent results it should be adopted. It would prove a blessing to 
rich and poor alike, to manufacturers, merchants, farmers and la- 
bprers ; and the price to be paid for these*blessings would not be too 
high if they can be obtained by imposing a reasonable tax upon all 
the banks. 


Cannot Produce Results Claimed. 


However, examination and analysis of the plan shows conclus- 
ively that it cannot possibly produce the beneficent results claimed 
for it, and that, on the contrary, it would produce evils far more 
serious than those which exist today: that, instead of being a cure- 
all, this plan is in reality a quack remedy. _ 

The whole plan is based upon misconception of the processes of 
banking and upon a confusion of ideas. Those who advocate the 
plan fail to appreciate that insurance of the depositors of a bank 
against ultimate loss upon winding up the bank in case of insol- 
vency is one thing, while insurance of prompt payment, in cash, to 


the depositors of a bank whenever it suspends payment, is a very. 


different thing. In the one case the insurers, or the guaranty fund, 


a 


———— eee 


f. A 


would be liable only to make good any deficiency, if all the assets of 
the bank, when reduced to cash, should prove insufficient to pay 
the depositors in full. In the other case the insurers, or the guar- 
anty fund, would have to contribute immediately upon the failure 
of a bank enough cash to pay off all its depositors, and thereupon 
would become entitled to reimbursement out.of the assets of the 
bank when these are reduced to cash. Pose 


Depositors’ Losses Very Small. | 


The losses suffered by the depositors of failed National banks 
by reason of the ultimate insufficiency of their assets to pay off 
depositors in full have been very small: about one-twentieth of one 
per cent. They are infinitesimal compared with the losses of the 
people through bad debts, frauds, speculation, gambling, indulgence 
in drink, and other causes which might in great measure be pre- 
vented, It might be possible, by a guarantee or insurance fund, to 
protect the depositors of failed banks against these small ultimate 
losses upon final winding up of the banks; but it would be abso- 
lutely impossible to insure the sufficiency of the cash reserves of 
the banks so that the depositors of every bank which suspends pay- 
ment will be paid promptly on demand. ‘The reports of the Comp- 
troller of the Currency show that the aggregate deposit liabilities of 
the National banks alone amount to more than five thousand million 
dollars, and that the aggregate amount of cash which the banks hold 
rarely amounts to one-seventh of their deposit liabilities which are 
payable on demand. There are individual banks in New York hav- 
ing deposit liabilities in excess of one hundred and fifty million ddl- 
lars and a good many banks throughout the country with deposit 
liabilities exceeding fifty million dollars. To draw one hundred 
million dollars from the reserves of the National banks to pay off 
at once the depositors of one or two of these great banks, if they 
should suspend payment, would force the suspension of nearly all 


the banks in the country and would precipitate universal panic and 


disaster. What would such a guaranty have been worth during the 
recent panic, when all the banks suspended? 


Bulk of Deposits, Exchange of Credits. 


There are many who have been induced to look with favor upon 
this Democratic plan, because they have been assured that it would 
protect innocent people who have deposited their Savings in the 
banks, and that all the-banks can well afford to contribute a small 


1 
ee a a es a 


J 


eS i ee 


% / 
ee ee ee ee eee ee 


Ae ah 


3 


tax upon their deposits in order to bring about this beneficent re- 
sult. As a matter of fact, only a very small percentage of the so- 
called deposits of the National banks represent deposits of the sav- 
ings of the people. The great bulk of these so-called deposits repre- 
sent merely an exchange of credits made for business purposes be- 
tween the banks and their so-called depositors. The great bulk of 
the so-called deposits of the National banks originate in the follow- 


‘ing manner: A merchant, manufacturer or farmer applies to a 


bank for a loan of such sum of money as he needs—say, for ex- 
ample, $10.000. He does not want to carry away the money in a 
bag; what he wants is a credit with the bank so that he can draw his 
checks upon the bank from time to time in the course of his busi- 
ness. The bank accordingly discounts his note for $10,000, payable 
at a future date with interest, and enters in his deposit book $10,000, 
less the interest on the note, and this is usually done with the tacit 
or expressed understanding that the borrower will draw upon the 
bank only gradually in the course of his business and will always 
allow a reasonable balance to remain undrawn. The nominal de- 
posits of the bank have been increased ten thousand dollars (less 
the interest) by a mere book entry, and not a dollar has been actually 
deposited in the bank. The real transaction was simply a swapping 
of credits between the bank and the borrower. The transaction 
was a perfectly honest and proper one, but it is absurd to say that 
this swapping of credits between business men and the banks is 
something so highly meritorious and sanctified that the Federal 
Government should exercise paternal care for its protection by es- 
tablishing a system of compulsory insurance at the expense of all 
the banks, and by requiring the sound and conservative banks to pay 
the losses of those people who choose to deal with the unsound and 
reckless banks. # 


Foundation of Prosperity. 


A matter of vastly greater importance than the insurance of in- 
dividual depositors of insolvent National banks from ultimate loss 
is to secure the safety of the vast structure of bank credits upon 


which the entire business and prosperity of the country today de- 


pends. As already stated, the aggregate deposit liabilities of the 
National banks alone amount to more than five thousand million 
dollars, while they keep on hand in normal times an aggregate 
amount of money amounting to barely one-seventh of their aggre- 
gate deposit liabilities. The report of the Comptroller of the 
Currency shows that the aggregate deposit liabilities of all the re- 


7 = 


4° | . 
porting banks and trust companies in the United States exceed thir- 
teen thousand million dollars and that the aggregate amount of cash 
which they hold, all put together, amounts to about eleven hundred 
million dollars, only one-twelfth of their aggregate deposit liabilities. 
This vast structure of bank credits, upon which the business of the 
country rests, stands like an inverted pyramid on its apex—t/urteen 
thousand millions of deposit liabilities, payable on demand, are — 
based on one thousand and one hundred millions of cash reserves ; 
and even this cash is not all ultimate money, but part of it consists 
of notes which are themselves but promises to pay money. The 
whole structure of bank credits is based upon the cash reserves of 
the banks, for two reasons: One is that the deposit liabilities of the 
banks are payable on demand and therefore the banks must keep on 
hand enough cash to enable them to pay on demand all depositors 
who are likely to demand cash, and the other reason is that the 
amount of the reserve held by a bank fixes the extent to which it — 
can lawfully make loans and grant credits by creating deposit lia~_ 
bilities. : 
Bank’s Negotiable Assets. 

Of course, the banks have other assets, consisting of bills and 
notes receivable and securities, to an amount much larger than the 
portion of their deposit liabilities for the payment of which they 
do not keep cash in hand. If a bank is properly managed, these 
assets will ultimately realize enough to pay off all the deposit liabil- 
ities and the capital of the bank and a surplus besides; but no 
amount of notes, bills or securities is a substitute for cash reserves 
when a pinch comes. During the recent panic the vaults of many 
of the banks which suspended payment were bulging with the best 
and safest commercial paper and securities. In most cases there 
was not the slightest danger that the depositors would ultimately 
lose a dollar, even if the banks should have to go into liquidation 
and be wound up. The cause of the panic and trouble was that the — 
banks had not large enough cash reserves, or rather that they had 
expanded their loans and deposit liabilities far beyond the limit 
of safety in relation to the cash reserves which they kept. The 
injury to business and the loss to the community was. not caused 
by the inability of depositors to obtain cash from the banks for 
use as a circulating medium, or to be hoarded. The inability of 
depositors to obtain currency from the banks for use as a circulat- 
ing medium was only a temporary inconvenience. The great in- 
jury caused by the panic resulted from the fact that the withdrawal 


3 


of cash from the banks had reduced their cash reserves below the 
limit imposed by law and required for safety, so that the banks were 
compelled to call in loans which borrowers could not pay without 
enormous sacrifice and were compelled to refuse loans and credits 
necessary for the continuance of the business of the country. 


Guaranty Plan’s Dangers. 


The Democratic plan of insuring bank depositors would not tend 
to maintain and protect this great structure of bank credits upon 
which the business of the country depends, but, on the contrary, 
would introduce new dangers which would tend to bring it tottering 
to the ground. How would this plan operate? If the plan is to 
insure prompt payment of the depositors of a bank when it fails, 
and not merely to make good any ultimate losses of depositors upon 
final winding up of the bank, an enormous amount of cash would be 
necessary in order to make the plan effective. The money which 
the banks would be compelled to contribute to the insurance fund 
would either be locked up by the Government or it would be in- 
vested in securities, or it would be redeposited with the banks. If 
locked up by the Government, the result would be a reduction of 
the bank reserves by that amount, with the consequent much larger 
reduction of the power of the banks to make loans and grant cred- 
its. In other words, it would reduce the reserves of the banks and 
their power to grant credits and would tend to cause a stringency 
in the money market. If the money should be invested in securities 
and thus returned to circulation, the Government could reconvert 
the securities into cash only by selling them, in which event the 
money to pay for them would have to be drawn from the banks, 
thereby again causing a stringency in the money market; and this 
would probably happen at the very time when the banks can least 
afford to diminish their reserves. If, on the other hand, the money 
contributed to the guaranty fund should be redeposited in the banks, 
the only change in the situation would be that the banks would have 
the same reserves which they had before the money was drawn from 
them, but they would be subject to call for the repayment of this 
money out of their reserves in order to pay off depositors of other 
banks that fail. At best, therefore, the plan would operate as a 
compulsory pooling of part of the reserves of the banks—the re- 
serves of the prudent and sound banks being made subject to that 
extent to calls for the payment of depositors in banks that are un- 
sound or badly managed. 


6 


Would Weaken Strong Banks. 


What, then, would be the effect of the plan? When times are 
good and business is prosperous, the weaker and speculative banks 
would be helped to expand their credits and to increase their loans, 
but in times of stringency and threatened trouble the strong and 
conservative banks would be forced to contract their credits and to 
refuse accommodation to their customers in order to preserve and 
build up their reserves, so that they may be in a position to meet 
possible demands upon these reserves in order to pay off depositors 
of the weaker banks that may fail. The strong banks would be 
forced to be doubly conservative in times of money stringency and 
threatened trouble, because they would have to be prepared to meet 
unknown demands, the amount of which they cannot foresee and 
against which the utmost caution and foresight cannot protect them. 
The tendency of the plan, therefore, would be to cause expansion 
of bank credits when conservatism is desirable and to cause con- 
traction of bank credits in times of stringency when credit is most 
needed in order to prevent panic and disaster. 


No Substitute for Cash Reserves. 


No guaranty fund, or system of insuring bank depositors, can 


possibly furnish a substitute for cash reserves. At best the plan 


would be but an illustration of a man trying to lift himself over a 
fence by his own boot straps. The plan would not increase the 
bank reserves by one dollar and would not strengthen the banking 
situation in the least. It would weaken the strong banks far more 


than it would strengthen the weak banks. It would tie up all the 


banks together, the good and the bad, so that if ever a time of great 
stress and trouble should come they would all be likely to fall to- 
gether in one general ruin. 

Mr. Bryan, however, urges that the adoption of his plan would 
give such confidence to bank depositors that there would be no more 
runs upon banks, and therefore no more bank panics. Runs upon 
banks by small depositors who wish to draw out cash to be hoarded 
are not the principal causes of bank suspensions. The suspension 
of a bank is often caused without any visible run upon the bank, 
when people cease to deposit new money, or when the larger depos- 
itors deliver their checks to other banks for collection. But, why 
should the adoption of his plan inspire confidence and prevent runs 


upon banks? As has been pointed out, the adoption of the plan 


would not in the least increase the ability of the banks throughout 


oe ~ 


ee ee a  —_— 


7 


the country to pay their depositors on demand, or strengthen the 
general situation, and it would result in tieing up all the banks to- 
gether so that in times of real stress and trouble they would al! have 


to suspend. The utmost that could possibly be accomplished would 


be to insure that the depositors of the unsound banks will, upon 
final winding up of their banks, be paid in full at the expense of 
the sound banks. Would the belief of the depositors of a bank 
that in case of failure of their bank they will get their money in a 
year or more and that in the mean time there may be general dis- 
aster throughout the country be likely to prevent them from trying 
to get their money as soon as possible? Certainly not. The only 
way in which this guaranty plan could possibly inspire confidence is 
by leading people to believe that the plan furnishes security, which 
it does not in fact furnish—in other words, by deceiving the Ameri- 
can people into a false sense of security. The plan can prove suc- 
cessful only by operating as a gigantic bluff that will never be called. 
The American people cannot be fooled in that way. 


Encouraging “Wildcat” Banking. 


But, if it were true that the adoption of this plan would make 
all deposits in National banks equally safe and thereby would in- 
spire confidence in all Nationa} bank deposits, as Mr. Bryan claims, 
the plan would prove a direct encouragement to “wildcat’’ banking 
and would prove disastrous in the long run. It would enable specu- 
lators or inexperienced persons to form a bank with small capital 
and to obtain large deposits on the strength of the guaranty, by 
offering higher rates of interest to depositors than a conservatively 
managed bank could afford to pay; and they could then use these 
deposits in promoting speculative or unsound ventures. They 
would only risk the loss of the small capital which they contributed 
and their individual liability for an equal amount. If their specu- 
lations should succeed, they would reap large profits, but if their 
speculations should fail and the money obtained from depositors be 
wasted, the sound banks would have to bear the loss. 


Republican Plan Rational. 


The Republican party proposes to deal with this banking ques- 
tion in a rational, conservative manner. Having regard to the dif- 
ference between savings deposits and those commercial deposit la- 
bilities which are merely bank credits created as a means of carry- 
ing on the business of the country, the Republican party proposes 


Sees, 3 


to establish a system of postal savings banks so that the people 
everywhere throughout the country can deposit their savings with 
absolute safety. A proposal has also been made, and, no doubt, will 
be considered by Congress, of authorizing the National banks to 
establish savings departments to be managed, under the supervi- 
sion of the Comptroller of the Currency, according to the most ap- 
proved methods of managing savings banks. | 

The Republican party recognizes that the United States should 
have the soundest and safest system of banking and currency that 
can he devised, and to that end a Republican Congress has ap- 
pointed a National Commission consisting of senators and repre- 
sentatives of both the political parties. That commission is now 
considering the subject in all its bearings, and after holding public 
hearings will make its recommendations to Congress at the earliest 
opportunity. 


Ail Classes Equally Interested. 


All classes of the people and all sections of the country are 
equally interested in establishing our system of banking and cur- 
rency upon the soundest possible basis. The welfare of the entire 
country depends upon a sound and practical system of banking and 


currency, and the only patriotic course is to eliminate all party feel- 


ing and politics from the consideration of this great subject. We 
know that the present system is not perfect and should be improved,. 


but we know also that we have prospered under this system and that 


there is no such pressing need for a change as to warrant hasty or 


ill-considered action. This plan of guaranteeing bank deposits un- 


doubtedly will be considered with the utmost care by the National 
Monetary Commission, and if the plan can stand careful analysis 
and scrutiny it will be adopted by Congress whether the Govern- 
ment be controlled by Republicans or Democrats. But it would be 
wrong—inexcusably wrong—to treat this great and difficult ques- 
tion of finance as a question of party politics, to be dealt with by 
popular vote in the heat of a presidential campaign. Surely the 
American people will not make this far-reaching change in their 
banking system and try this dangerous experiment, upon the recom- 
mendation of the Democratic party and of a leader who, twelve 
years ago, and again eight years ago, urged the adoption of the 
worst financial fallacy of the age, and, if his counsels had prevailed, 
would have plunged the wees pountty into disaster and shame. 


aig ert a 
POR oe Ree os 


Lae te 


ta ore TR eee, ean 


Christian Missions 
and 
Civilization 


By the 


Hon. WILLIAM H. TAFT 


Address Delivered at Carnegie Hall, New York City, 
April, 1908 | 


a eR Se a Ne ee Se ea ee ee ee eee ee 


CHRISTIAN MISSIONS 
AND CIVILIZATION 


By the Hon. WILLIAM H. TAFT 


I have known a good many people that were opposed to foreign mis- ~ 
sions. I have known a good many regular attendants at church, con- 
sistent members, perhaps, that religiously, if you choose to use that term, 
refused to contribute to foreign missions. Now, I confess that there was 
a time when I was enjoying a smug provincialism that I hope has left 
me now, when I rather sympathized with that view. Until I went to the 
Orient, until there were thrown on me the responsibilities with reference 
to the extension of civilization in those far distant lands, I did not real- 
ize the immense importance of foreign missions.. The truth is we have — 
got to wake up in this country. We are not all there is in the world. 
There are lots besides us, and there are lots of people besides us that — 
are entitled to our effort and our money and our sacrifice to help them 
on in the world. No man can study the movement of modern civilization 
from an utterly impartial standpoint and not realize that Christianity 
and the spirit of Christianity is the only basis for the hope of modern 
civilization and the growth of popular self-government. The spirit of — 
Christianity is pure democracy. It is the equality of man before God, 
the equality of man before the law, which is, as I understand it, the 
most God-like manifestation that man has been able to make. Now I am 
not here to speak of foreign missions from a purely religious standpoint. 
fam here to speak of it from the standpoint of political, governmental 
advancement, the advancement of modern civilization, And I think I 
have had some opportunity to know how dependent we are on the spread — 
of Christianity in any hope that we may have of uplifting the peoples — 
whom Providence has thrust upon us for our guidance. 


RELIGION AND POLITICAL GOVERNMENT 


I am talking practical facts about the effect of religion on the 
political government, and I know what I am talking about, I did not 
realize until I went into the Orient the variety of things that foreign 
missions accomplish. The missionaries have reached the conclusion that, 
in order to make a man a good Christian, you have got to make him — 


useful in a community and teach him something to do and give him © 
some sense and intelligence. 


_So, connected with every successful foreign mission is a school, 
ordinarily an industrial school. Also they teach the native that clean-— 
liness is next to Godliness and that one business of his is to keep him- 
self healthy, and so in connection with every good foreign mission they 
have hospitals and doctors. And, therefore, the mission makes a nucleus 
of modern civilization, with schools, teachers and physicians and the © 
church. In that way, having educated the native, having taught him 4 


how to live, then they are able to be sure that they have made nie a 
consistent Christian 


CHINA HEADED RIGHT 


Every foreign mission in China is a nucleus of modern civilization. 
Now China is in a great state of transition. China is looking forward 
to progress. China is to be guided by whom? It is to be guided by the 
young Christian students and scholars that either learn English or some 
foreign language at home or are sent abroad to be instructed, and who 
come back and whose words are listened to by those who exercise influ- 
ence at the head of the government. Therefore it is that these frontier 
posts of civilization are so much more important than the mere numerical 
count of converts seems to make them. 

I speak from the standpoint of political civilization in such a country 
as China. They have, I think, 3,000 missionaries in China. The num- 
ber of students was 35,000 last year. They go out into the neighbor- 
hoods, and they can not but have a good effect throughout that great 
empire, large enough as it is, to promote the ideas of Christianity and 
the ideas of civilization. Two or three things make one impatient when 
he understands the facts. One is this criticism of the missionaries as 
constantly involving the governments in trouble, as constantly bringing 
about war. The truth is that western civilization in trade is pressing 
into the Orient, and the agents that are sent forward, I am sorry to say, 
are not the best representatives of western civilization. The American 
and Englishman and others who live in the Orient are, many of them, 
excellent, honest, God-fearing men; but there are in that set of advance 
agents of western civilization gentlemen who left the West for the good 
of the West, and because their history in the West might prove embar- 
rassing at home. More than that, even where they are honest, hard- 
working tradesmen and merchants attempting to push business into the 
Orient, their minds are constantly on business. It is not human nature 
that they should resist the temptations that not infrequently present them- 
selves to get ahead of the sympathy with a spirit of brotherhood toward 
the Oriental natives. Even in the Philippines that spirit is shown, for 
while I was there I can remember hearing on the streets, sung by a gen- 
tleman that did not agree with my view of our duty toward the Filipinos: 


“He may be a brother of William H.. Taft, 
But he ain’t no brother of mine.” 


Now that is the spirit that we are so likely to find among the gentle- 
men who go into the East for the purpose of extending trade. Then I 
am bound to say that the restraints of public opinion, of a fear of the 
criticism of one’s neighbors that one finds at home, to keep men in the 
straight and narrow path, are loosened in the Orient, and we do not find 
that they are the models, many of them, that they ought to be in probity 
and morality. They look upon the native as inferior, and they are too 
likely to treat him with ee 


CIVILIZATION PARALLELING TRADE 


Hence it is that in the progress of civilization we must move along 
as trade moves; and as the foreign missions move on it is through the 


foreign missions that we must expect to have the true picture of Chris- 


tian brotherhood presented to those natives, the true spirit of Christian | 


sympathy. That is what makes, in the progress of civilization, the im- 
mense importance of Christian missions. You go into China to-day and 
try to find out what the conditions are in the interior—consult in Peking 
the gentlemen who are supposed to know, and where do they go? They 
eo at once to the missionaries, to the men who have spent their lives far 
advanced into the nation, far beyond the point of safety if any uprising 


takes place, and who have learned by association with the natives, by 


living with them, by bringing them into their houses, by helping them 


on to their feet, who have learned the secret of what Chinese life is. 
And therefore it is that the only reliable books that you can read, telling: 


you the exact condition of Chinese civilization, are written by these same 
foreign missionaries who have been so much blamed for involving us in 


foreign wars. 
THE BOXER WAR 


It is said that the Boxer War was due to the interference of mis- 
sionaries, and the feeling of the Chinese against the Christian religion 
as manifested and exemplified by the missionaries. That is not true. It 


is true that the first outbreak was against the missionaries—because the 


outbreak was against foreign interference, and it was easiest to attack 
those men who were farthest in the Chinese nation, and there they made 
expression of that feeling by their attack against the whole foreign 
interference. But that which reaily roused the opposition of the Chi- 
nese was the feeling that all we Christian nations were sitting around 
waiting to divide up the Middle Kingdom, and waiting to get our piece 
of the pork. Now that is the feeling that the Chinese have; and I am 
not prepared to say that there was not some ground for the suspicion. 
Now you can read books—I have read them—in which the missions 
are described as most comfortable buildings; and it is said that mission- 
aries are living more luxuriously than they would at home, and therefore 
they do not call for our support or sympathy. It is true that there are 
a good many mission buildings that are handsome buildings; I have seen 
them. It is true that they are comfortable; but they ought to be com- 
fortable. One of the things that you have got to do with the Oriental 
is to fill his eye with something that he can see, and if you erect a great 
missionary building, he deems your coming into that community of some 
importance; and the missionary societies that are doing that, and are 
building their own buildings for the missionaries, are following a very 
much more sensible course than is the United States in denying to its 
representatives anything but mere hovels. But it is not a life of ease; 
it is not a life of comfort and luxury. These men are doing grand, good 
work. J do not mean to say that there are not exceptions among them; 
that sometimes they do not meddle in something which it would be better 
for them from a politic move to keep out of; but I mean as a whole, 
these missionaries in China and in other countries worthily represent 


the best Christian spirit of this country, and worthily are doing the work | 


that you have sent them to do—lV orld- Wide Missions, July, 1908. 


ae 


a 


Hughes’ Reply 


Bryan 


Governor of New York 
Demolishes Democratic 
Candidate’s Arguments, 
in Speech at Youngs- 
town, O., Sept. 5, 1908 


= 
_— 


ee 


¢ 


| 

i. 

| 

} 

; 

i | 

¢ ao sentences 

| Gov. Bice Speech 

| 


| The Republican party makes appeal to public confidence as the 
| i important political agency for conservation and for progress. 
: _ Mr. Bryan’s candidacy “memorializes the fallacies and unsafe pol- 
Ieies we are asked to forget. It points the way to business uncertainty 
md to the impairment of the confidence which is the security of in- 
iustry and trade.” 


The campaign watchwords “Shall the People Rule?” and the de- 
mand “Whether the government shall remain a mere business asset 
of favor-seeking corporations” are not impressive when emblazoned on 
the banners ef Tammany Hall and of other essential allies. 

The forceful and representative leader is typified to the popular 
‘Magination in the person of Theodore Roosevelt. 


| The business of the great National departments has been in 


worthy and competent hands, 
| ’ 


_ Looters of the public domain, those endeavoring to maintain com- 
jinations in unlawful restraint of trade and those seeking to profit 
ly unjustly discriminating rates and illegal rebates have been taught 
respect for the law. 
| 3 


4 


The creation of the Bureau of Corporations, the Railroad Rate bi, 
the Pure Food bill, the Meat Inspection bill, the Employers’ Liabilit 
bill, and the laws passed for the better protection of labor constitu 
a record of legislation which no just critic can afford to minimize al 

“which attests in a marked manner the response of the Republica 
party under its forceful leadership in the demands of the people. — 


\ 


| 
| 
| 
If all that Mr. Bryan has favored during the past twelve years ha 
been enacted into law we should have been overwhelmed with di 
aster and would regard it as our chief business in the future to fin 
a way of escape from the meshes of ill-considered legislation in whic 
we would have been entangled. It is fortunate for him as well a 
for us that he was defeated. ; 
1 


No doubt much remains to be accomplished in the way of necessar 


reform, but the record already made by the Republican party is a note 
worthy one. . 


It may also be said that in the presence of formal written platform! 
the antecedents of candidates cannot be forgotten. ; ; 
Platforms must be read in the light of history and they may be 
eloquent of past mistakes and misguided agitations which their spon 
sors would gladly ignore, but which the Nation will do well to re 
member. “3 


The country needs a man rock-based in sound conviction and ft . 
damental principle, in whose good judgment in any difficulty all may 
feel secure, and such a man pre-eminently is William H. Taft. 


There is no man in the country better fitted properly to preside 


over and direct the varied business of the Executive Department that 
Mr, Taft. 


We must remember that we are about to choose a representative of 
the people to whom is confided the nomination of Federal Judges, a 


power second to none possessed by the President, the exercise of 
which calls for the highest judgment, 


S 
4 ‘The Democratic party cannot claim unsullied virtue either with 
regard to the source of its revenues or its readiness to receive them. 


_ As to Mr. Bryan’s remedies for trusts, “we find ourselves jJourney- 
ing in a land of dreams. Again the magician of 1896 waves his wand. 
At a stroke difficulties disappear and the compiex problems of modern 
business are forgotten in the fascination of the simple panacea.” 


It is the function of law to define and punish wrongdoing, and not 
to throttle business. 


- The Republican party has been solicitous of the rights of labor. 
Mr. Taft is clearly right when he says that “not since the beginning 
of the government has any other National administration done so 
much fcr the cause of labor by the enactment of remedial legislation 
as has Theodore Roosevelt and the Republican congresses elected to 
sit during his term of office.” 


The prosperity of the workingman fundamentally depends upon 
Wise, conserving and upbuilding policies; and demands that efforts to 
reform industrial evils should be carefully conceived and prosecuted 
without endangering the stability of legitimate business enterprise. 


ADDRESS OF GOV. HUGHES 


OF NEW YORK, AT YOUNGSTOWN, OHIO 


The Republican party makes appeal to public confidence as the 
most important political agency for conservation and for progress. 
By virtue of its achievements, its leadership and its aims, it stands 
forth as an efficient instrument for strong and capable administra- 
tion, as a safeguard of stability, and of the prosperity which de- 
pends upon stability, and as an unrivaled power for the correction 
of abuses. It stands in striking contrast to the record of vacillation 
and ineptitude presented by the chief opposing party. That oppos- 
ing party proffers a candidacy which is at once a monument and a 
guide-post. It memorializes the fallacies and unsafe policies we 
are asked to forget, and it points the way to business uncertainty 


-and to the impairment of the confidence which is the security of 


industry and trade. 

When we hear sounded a strident call,to the defense of popular 
rights, we look carefully to see who constitute the new patriotic 
army into whose keeping we are asked to turn over the destinies 
of this great Nation. The campaign watchwords “Shall the People 
Rule?” and the demand “Whether the government shall remain a 
mere business asset of favor-seeking corporations” are not impress- 
ive when emblazoned on the banners of Tammany Hall and of 
other essential allies. The army opposing us cannot pass muster 
either as one of defense or of salvation, and we may well pause 
before we permit it, despite its boast of fidelity, to garrison our 
institutions. 


8 
Mr. Taft’s Candidacy. 


No one more than I desires to see administration purged of 
every selfish taint, to have fair and impartial laws faithfully exe- 


cuted, to get rid of every vestige of special privilege at the expense: 


of public interest, to liberate trade from unjust encroachments, to 


purify our electoral methods and to maintain honest representative 


government. ‘And it is because of his loyalty to these ideals, be- 
cause of his broad sympathies and his rare equipment in character, 
ability and experience, because tested in the difficult fields of judi- 
cial and administrative work he has proved his quality by eminent 
service, because of his varied learning, his acquaintance with affairs, 
his respect for constitutional government and his capacity intelli- 
gently and justly to plan and direct necessary reforms that I most 
earnestly support the candidacy of William Howard Taft. 


Democrats Supported National Cause, 


Twelve years ago the democracy of Tilden and of Cleveland 
was overthrown in its own house. Under the old name, but with a 
new alignment and leadership, a desperate assault was made upon 


the credit of the country and the integrity of private debts. It was ° 


an attack upon our fundamental securities, and our belief as to the 
sincerity of the motive serves only to magnify the dangerous char- 


acter of the attempt and the unwisdom of the leadership which in- © 


spired it. A campaign of education followed. Thousands of Dem- 
ocrats, more intent upon the safety of the country than upon fidelity 
to a party name, itself betrayed, supported the Republican, or rather 


the National, cause. Then ensued a great popular victory, the vin- . 
dication of the conscience and intelligence of the electorate, and the © 
people ruled in the election of William McKinley. - Four years later. » 


after the surprises of the Spanish war, with its entailment of unexe 


pected obligations, that administration was triumphantly vindicated. : 
in popular support. President McKinley, a victim of insensate pass | 
sion, laid down his life trusted and beloved by all the people. To the. «: 


' 


9 


“difficult task then devolved upon him with the problems created by 
"an unparalleled prosperity, came a new leader dear to the people’s 
“heart. He entered upon his work with courage and determination, 
d four years ago he received an overwhelming vote of popular 
onfidence. 


Roosevelt’s Administration. 


Tor seven years, with lofty aim and unconquerable spirit he has 
| abored for the people, and today by virtue of his sincere devotion 
‘to their welfare, his valiant attack upon evil in high places, his 
zeal for the common interest, whether in the protection of the pub-. 
‘lic domain or in insistence upon the freedom of interstate trade, or 
| the maintenance of high standards of administration, or in the 
‘recognition of the rights of labor or in the care of our natural re- 
‘sources, the forceful and representative leader is typified to the pop- 
lar imagination in the person of Theodore Roosevelt. 

_ It is easy for those who are free of its responsibilities to criticise 
administration, and criticism is wholesome and stimulating. Mr. . 
‘Bryan is an eloquent critic, but the record of the Republican party 
known to all, and the American people will neither be confused 
nor misled by adroit thrust or pleader’s skill. Their good judgment 
| ay be trusted to maintain a proper sense of proportion and to_ 
make a just estimate of the work which has been accomplished. 


Nation’s Honor Maintained. 


The business of the great National departments has been in 
worthy and competent hands. The mention alone of the names of 
I ay, Root and Taft suffices to call attention to the honorable con- 
duct of affairs in which all our citizens take just pride. The dignity. 
and honor of the Nation have been maintained and troublesome 
difficulties have been adjusted with an access of prestige. And 
every American has been gratified by the possession of world-wide 


influence attained by the President by reason both of his personal 


® 


7 ie a) Se 


a 


10 


qualities and because of the distinction in our international relations 
of the administration of which he has been the head. 

In the management of internal affairs honesty and efficiency 7 
have been insisted upon. Looters of the public domain, those en-_ 


deavoring to maintain combinations in unlawful restraint of trade” 
and those seeking to profit by unjustly discriminating rates and ille-— 
gal rebates have been taught respect for the law. Zeal and energy j 
have been shown in the fields of governmental activity, and the 
welfare of the nation with regard both to present needs and to the 


requirements of future developments has been the paramount 
concern, 


Republican Legislation. 


- When we consider the inevitable conflict of many opinions and — 
the importance of the questions involved the record of progressive 
legislation is extraordinary. The creation of the Bureau of Corpora-_ 
tions, the Railroad Rate bill, the Pure Food bill, the Meat Inspec- 
tion bill, the Employers’ Liability bill, and the laws passed for the 
better protection of labor constitute a record of legislation which 
no just critic can afford to minimize and which attests in a marked 


manner the response of the Republican party under its forceful 
leadership in the demands of thé people. 


Democratic Proposals. 


Tf all that Mr. Bryan has favored during the past twelve years” 
had been enacted into law we should have been overwhelmed with 
disaster and would regard it as our chief business in the future to 


find a way of escape from the meshes of ill-considered legislation 


in which we would have been entangled. It is fortunate for him as} 


well as for us that he was defeated, arid whatever may be his pres- 
ent political potentiality may be ascribed to the fact that hitherto he 
has not been permitted to’ carry out his program. No doubt ‘much | 
remains to be accomplished in.the- way of necessary reform, but the 


11 


record already made by the Republican party is a noteworthy one 
and we must make further advances with care and needed reflec- 
tion. Our progress will be entrusted to safe hands, and we shall 
be fortunate in having a sailing master who knows his chart and 
who will take quite as much account of reefs and shoals as of the 
speed of the vessel. We have got our direction, we have a most 
precious cargo and we must have a safe and experienced pilot. 


Bryan’s Eloquent Silence. 


Mr. Bryan says that the Democratic platform “is binding as to 
what it omits as well as to what it contains.” He might have added 
that it is as significant in the one case as in the other. Lincoln 
said, “In the absence of formal written platforms the antecedents 
of candidates become their platforms.” It may also be said that in 
the presence of formal written platforms the antecedents of candi- 
dates cannot be forgotten. Silence is often eloquent. In the elec- 
tion this fall we choose men, not abstractions. Platforms must be 
read in the light of history and they may be eloquent of past mis- 
takes and misguided agitations which their sponsors would gladly 
ignore, but which the Nation will do well to remember. 


Candidacies Contrasted. 


There are a thousand exigencies in the affairs of this great Na- 
tion which cannot be foreseen or attempted to be controlled by any 
platform. The sagacity, steadiness of character, firmness and sound 
judgment of the chief executive must be the security of the Nation 
in many a trying emergency. And it is no injustice to Mr. Bryan’s 
attractive personal qualities, to his effectiveness as an orator, his 
skill as a party leader, nor is it any disparagement of the purity of 
his motives to say that the man who espoused free silver in 1896, 
renewed its advocacy in 1900 and later declared his belief in gov- 
ernment ownership of railroads cannot be regarded as a safe leader 
to whom may be confided the great powers of the President merely 


12 


because those doctrines are omitted from his present platform. The 
country needs a man rock-based in sound conviction and fundamen- 
tal principle, in whose good judgment in any difficulty all may feel 
secure, and such a man pre-eminently is William H. Taft. 

Our opponents seem to regard the questions before us as simply 
involving a program of legislation or of constitutional amendment. 
But first and chiefly we are electing a President, the executive of 
the Nation. Nor should we in considering legislative proposals 
forget this. Now there is no man in the country better fitted prop- 
erly to preside over and direct the varied business of the Executive 
Department than Mr. Taft. He already knows it thoroughly. He 
has rare executive ability. No one is better qualified than he to do 
the work which under the Constitution the President is called upon 
to perform. 


The Supreme Court. 


Not only will the coming election directly affect the executive 
branch of the Government, but it is most important in its relation 
to the judicial branch. Rarely has the choice of President involved 
more far-reaching consequences. For it is not improbable that the 


next President will appoint at least four judges of the United -— 
States Supreme Court. Upon these appointments will largely de-’ 


pend the quality of the judicial work of this great court for years to 
come. Congress may pass laws, but the Supreme Court interprets 
and construes them, and determines their validity. The Constitu- 
tion, with its guarantees of liberty and its grants of Federal power, 
is finally what the Supreme Court determines it to mean. Upon the 
learning, wisdom and character of the Judges of the Supreme Court 
rests not merely the just determination of the important matters of 
private right which come before that august tribunal, but to a very 
large degree the course of our political history and the development 


and security of our institutions. In view of the vacancies which in _ 


the natural course of events will most probably occur during the 


She 


, 
| 
; 


13 


next few years, we must remember that we are about to choose a 
representative of the people to whom is confided the nomination of 
Federal Judges, a power second to none possessed by the President, 
the exercise of which calls for the highest judgment. 


Confidence in Taft. 


If we should search the country for a delegate of the people who 
could be confidently entrusted with this important duty, it is prob- 
able that no one could command higher confidence than the Repub- 
lican candidate for President. Himself a judge, learned in the wis- 
dom of the law, he commanded the respect and esteem of the entire 
bar of the country, without regard to partisan division. By litigants 
and lawyers alike it was felt that when he left his important place 
upon the Circuit Court of Appeals to undertake his difficult duties 
in the Philippines, the judicial branch of. the Government had sus- 
tained a most serious loss. And he has long been regarded as one 
in every way worthy to succeed the present Chief Justice of the 
United States. With his fairness and acumen, with his wide knowl- 
edge of the bar from which the judges must be recruited, with his 
broadmindedness and democratic sympathy, and his keen interest 
in all that pertains to the welfare of the people, we may be assured 
that if he is selected to perform this duty the interests of the coun- 
try will be impartially and wisely safeguarded in its discharge. 


Quality of Administration. 


Legislation must inevitably depend upon the complexion and 
disposition of Congress. The President can only recommend or 
veto. But the quality of the National administration on its execu- 
tive side will depend entirely upon the man who is chosen to be 
President. Whatever else we may do or fail to do, that we can 
determine in our vote for presidential electors. The character of 
our diplomacy, the concerns of our insular possessions, the manage- 
ment of our vast internal business and the many intricate questions 


14 


“which lie within the range of executive discretion are in the hands 
of the President for the weal or woe of the Nation. And on this 
issue alone as the coming election will determine the character of 
the executive administration for four years and in all probability the 
character of the judicial branch of the Government for many years 
longer, the sober judgment of the people can hardly fail to miss 
the importance of the selection of such a man as Mr. Taft. 


Questions Which Are Not Issues. 


Some questions which are discussed with no little vigor éan 


hardly be considered as campaign issues. Mr. Bryan desires 
United States Senators to be chosen by direct vote of the people in 


the several States. Mr. Taft also inclines to favor this course. And 
I am glad he does. 

But this can be accomplished only by constitutional amendment, 
and such amendment can be had only when ratified by three-fourths 


of the States. This would hardly seem to be an issue upon which to | 


select a President. In case of congressional initiative two-thirds of 
both houses must concur in order to present the amendment for rat- 
ification. Or if the States desire the amendment and there is any 
such sentiment as promises the necessary ratification, two-thirds of 


the States may require a convention to be called for the purpose. . 


Further, any State may, if it desires, provide for a direct vote which 
will generally be treated by the Legislature as binding because of its 
expression of the wish of the people. This is the case in a number 
of States where Senators are practically chosen by direct vote now. 


But as long as there are twelve States who do not desire the amend- 


ment, the constitutional provision for the election of Senators by the 
Tegislatures cannot be changed. 


“Tyranny of Minority,” ; 


Again, Mr. Bryan objects to the present rules of the House of 
Representatives and complains that it is no longer a “deliberative 


1 


hody.” How to make the procedure of a body of nearly four hun- 


fst 


‘dred members more fully deliberative while at the same time to 
take provision for the proper dispatch of business, how to give 
‘greater freedom and how to escape from the alleged tyranny of the 
‘Speaker without creating a new tyranny of the minority, is a ques- 
tion which parliamentarians may discuss to advantage. It would be 
Well to have some definite statement of the amendments desired and 
n opportunity to judge their effect. In any event, the members 
of the House will make such rules as they think best and the gen- 
€ral suggestions of the Democratic platform on this point can hardly 
e regarded as pertinent to the Presidential campaign. 


Election Laws. 


' Mr. Bryan also has much to say with regard to corrupt practices 
and campaign expenditures. But he omits to give due credit to 
the Republican party for what it has accomplished with regard to 
these important reforms, an accomplishment the more noteworthy 
in the light of Mr. Bryan’s reiterated criticisms of contributions to 
Republican campaign funds. In the State of New York a Repub- 
lican Legislature in 1906 passed a statute prohibiting corporations 
from making any political contributions, directly or indirectly, and 
providing that officers, directors, or stockholders participating in or 
consenting to the violation of the law should be guilty of a criminal 
offense. And I know of no more drastic statute in this country 
with regard to the publicity of campaign contributions and for the 


prevention of corrupt practices than that passed in New York under 
E epublican auspices. These were not promises of an opposition 
party seeking power, but enactments by-a party in power securing 
genuine reforms. 
' 

; ‘Purity of Elections. 

; Proper recognition must of course be given to the patriotic Dems 


Ocrats who supported these,reforms, but they were enacted by a Rex 


— 


16 


publican administration. Congress has also legislated against polit 
ical contributions by corporations. . Purity of elections and free op 
portunity for the uncorrupted expression of the popular will lie a 
the’ foundation of every reform and cannot be too carefully safe 
guarded. And there should be federal legislation securing prope 
publicity of and accounting for campaign contributions in connec 
tion with federal elections. But it must fairly be recognized tha 
the skirts of neither party have been clean. If we search Mr 
Bryan’s following we shall find not a few who have sinned, and alst 
Mose who, if we may judge from their local activities, are still un 
repentant. The Democratic party cannot claim unsullied virtu 
Ee with regard to the source of its revenues or its readiness 
receive them. And when criticism is meted out to the Republica 
party on this score justice requires that it should also receive credi 
for the reforms it has achieved. 


Revision of the Tariff. 


Both parties demand a revision of the tariff. But they differ i 
the principle and aim of such revision. The Republican party stand 
for the policy of protection. It maintains its historic position in dé 
fense of American standards of living and of the American scal 
of wages. Ihe Democratic party seeks, as Mr. Bryan construes it 
platform, to overthrow protection and to establish a revenue tarif 
Instead of readjustment of protective rates and a fair arrangemet | 
of schedules consistent with the long established policy of the cout 
try under which our trade has been developed and our industria 
activities have attained their notable expansion, he insists on at 
overthrow of the entire system of protection, thus threatening thi 
dislocation of trade and the most serious disturbance of industp 
Me seeks not tariff revision, but tariff revolution. Mr. Bryan 
pears to recognize the serious consequence of such a course and 
announcing his position he hastens to assure us, that “the Democra 


plan does not contemplate an immediate change from one system 


= aT a i i 


ey 
the other; it expressly declares that the change shall be gradual and 
a gradual change is only possible where the country is satisfied with 
the results of each step taken.” This opens a vista of indefinite 
tariff tinkering to accomplish the desired object. 

Revision there must be. It should be prompt, thorough and 
fair. But the policy of protection will be maintained and American 
industry, involving the interests of our wage-earners, must be prop- 
erly safeguarded. 


Difference of Principle. 


But it is urged that the Republican party cannot be trusted to 
make a fair revision of the tariff. Those who are opposed to a pro- 
tective tariff and whose aim is to put the tariff upon a revenue basis 
can no more be trusted to make a revision consistent with the policy 
of protection than those who believe in protection can be expected 
to adjust the tariff to purposes solely of revenue. If, however, it 
be charged that the Republican party will not undertake an honest 
revision and that the application of the protective principle will not 
be worked out in a reasonable and proper way, it may fairly be re- 
torted that there is no basis, to say the least, for any greater con- 
fidence in the operations and methods which might be adopted by 
our opponents in their proposed readjustment. The experience of 
the years when they last had the opportunity to frame new sched- 
ules in the tariff of 1894, does not inspire such confidence. The 
rugged Cleveland was disgusted with the work of his own party 
and while he did not veto the bill that was prepared, he refused to 
give it the sanction of his signature. 


“Other Remedies for Trusts.” 


If there are interests desiring favors it does not follow that they 
will be denied merely because the banner of revenue tariff floats 
from the Capitol. The difference is one of principle and is not to 
be confused by suggestions of improper influences. 


18 


The Democratic platform proposes to place upon the free list 
articles coming into competition with those controlled by the 
“trusts.” But when Mr. Taft points out that 1f such a course were 
destructive to the trusts it would certainly destroy the smaller com- 
petitors of the trusts, Mr. Bryan replies, with charactertstie ease, 
that he has “other remedies for the trusts” and that it may not be 
necessary to use this one after all. What becomes of the question 
of the essential justice of the proposal and what part is it to play in 


3 . ° e ” 
the “immediate revision?” 


Mr. Bryan’s Remedies for Trusts. 


When, however, we consider these other remedies that are pro- 
posed for the trusts, we find ourselves journeying in a land of 
dreams.. Again the magician of 1896 waves his wand. At a stroke 
difficulties disappear and the complex problems of modern business 
are forgotten in the fascination of the simple panacea. And as the 
free coinage of silver in the ratio of 16 to 1 was to destroy the curse — 
of gold, so the new-found specific of equal perfection is to remove 
the curse of industrial oppression. The delusion of 1908 is com- 
parable only fo that of twelve years ago. 

The first suggestion is that the law should prevent a duplication 
of directors among competing corporations. However advisable it 
may be to have independent directorates of competing corporations, 
it would seem still more important to have independent stockholders, 
for a majority of the stockholders of a corporation choose the di- 
rectors. If a law were passed preventing the duplication of direc- 
tors it would easily be evaded in the selection of men who would 
represent the same interests. The most ordinary experience shows 
that it is not necessary to serve on a board of directors in order to 
control its proceedings. Whatever the advantage of such a law as is 
proposed, it hardly rises to the dignity of a “remedy,” or vindicates 
its title to a place in an imposing scheme of reform outlined in a 
National platform, : 


19 


Delusion of Ratio. 


But the more important proposal is “that any manufacturing or 
trading corporation engaged in interstate commerce shall be required 
to take out a federal license before it shail be permitted to control as 
much as 25 per cent. of the product in which it deals.” <A license 
is permission, and the object of the remedy is not to regulate large 
businesses, but to destroy trusts. Hence the supposed efficiency of 
the plan is to be found in the prohibition of the control by any such 
corporation “of more than 50 per cent. of the total amount of any 
product consumed in the United States.” This is another delusion 
of ratio. 

It might be interesting to inquire what is the meaning of “any 
product consumed in the United States.” Does it refer to a class 
of commodities? And, if so, how shall the classes be defined? Or . 
does it refer to each separate article of commerce? And, if so, what 
account does this proposal take of the: skill and initiative of manu- 
facturers who have built up a more or less exclusive trade in par- 
ticular articles, often protected by trade-marks, although in most 
active competition with other articles designed for the same general 
purpose and seeking the same market? 


Embargo on Honest Endeavor. 


In a desire to correct the evils of business are we to place an em- 
bargo upon honest endeavor whose activities present none of the 
abuses requiring remedies? And, if not, what statutory definitions 
shall be found to be adequate and just if we lay down our pro- 
hibition in terms of volume or ratio of business and not in terms ot 
right and wrong? If we adopt Mr. Bryan’s proposal to what period 
of production is the prohibition to apply? Is the excess for a day 
or for a month to be considered? Or is the average production for 
a year to be taken? And what system shall be devised by which 
suitable information may be furnished in the nature of danger sig- 
nals along the routes of trade so that the manufacturer may know, 


20 


when he is about to exceed the prescribed ratio? He may justly be 
required to govern his own conduct, but how shall he be apprised of 
the conduct of others upon which is to depend his guilt or innocence ? 

_The patent laws confer a true monopoly in the exclusive right to 
manufacture and sell. ‘Are these laws to be repealed because a “pri- 
vate. monopoly is indefensible and intolerable?’ Is it proposed to 
aprly the prohibition of control of more than 50 per see to pat; 


-* 


ented articles? 
Mr. Bryan’s Reasoning. 

‘An example of Mr. Bryan’s reasoning is found in his statement 
that ‘when a corporation controls 50 per cent. of the total product 
it supplies forty millions of people with that product.” There are, 
of course, specialties which have a limited market and are used by 


a relatively small number of the people of the United States. More. 
than 50 per cent., and indeed even as much as 100 per cent., of the 


tion. This may, in fact, be relatively a small corporation. It may , 
never have aspired to the unsavory renown of a “trust.” But by 
prosecuting its particular line with fidelity and meeting satisfactorily | 
a limited want, or by reason of some secret processes or advantage 


of experience, it may control the trade in a given article of com- , 


merce. Or, suppose a concern controls the whole trade in some use- 
ful by-product which it has found it advantageous to make, is the 
trade to be prohibited? 

The Democratic platform makes no exceptions to cover such 
cases, and we have learned that it is equally “binding as to what it 
omits,” 


Dismembering of Plants. 


If we could imagine such a crude prohibition to be enacted into” 
law and to be regarded as valid, what would be the effect? Mr. 
Bryan, with his usual readiness, suggests that the concern may sell 

| | a 


| 


trade in such articles may be in the control of a particular corpora- I: 


a { 


21 


as much of its plants as are not needed to produce the amount al- 
lowed by law. He speaks as though every manufacturing concern 
had as many fully equipped units of production as would correspond 
to any given percentage of trade which it might be required to lop 
off. Plants are not so easily dismembered. Reduction in output 
means reduction in work, reduction in the number of men employed, 
and curtailment of the efficiency of a going concern. Let us sup- 
pose a concern which controls 80 per cent. of a given product—that 
is to say, makes and sells $8,000,000 in value out of a total trade in 
the product amounting to $10,000,000. Is it to be compelled to re- 
duce its output to $2,000,000, because only $2,000,000 in value are 
made by others? Then, if it could sell a part of its plant on Mri 
Bryan’s theory, what should it sell? Should it sell off enough to 
reduce its capacity to $5,000,000 and allow three-fifths of its plant 
to remain idle until others developed a capacity for handling the 
other $5,000,000. Should it assume that the total trade will in- 
crease and is not always to remain at $10,000,000 and hence retain 
a larger portion of its plant in idleness? 


Ruin of Working Men. 


Or suppose a concern controls 100 per cent. of the trade in some 
article, what plants shall it retain? It can, produce nothing until 
others produce; but it may produce an amount equal to the produc- 
tion of others, and it hopes the trade will grow. What a vision of 
business uncertainty and confusion; of idle and impaired plants; of 
the ruin of workingmen whose lives have clustered around particular 
industries and who depend upon their continued efficiency, is pre- 
sented by this fanciful remedy for the destruction of trusts? 

Apart from this, if the dissolution were effected in the manner 
desired and portions of plants could be sold and were sold as sug- 
gested, to whom would the sale be made? Would it be necessarily 
to foes or to those ambitious to become competitors and anxious to 
take advantage of its plight? 


22 


This proposal, in its utter disregard of the facts of business, 
in its substitution of the phantasies of the imagination for the reali- 
ties of life. stamps the Democratic platform with the fatal stamp of 
1896. The commerce and industry of this country; the interest of 
its wage-earners and of its interdependent masses, who must rely 
upon the stability of business, cannot afford to give license to such 


vagaries, 


Law No Throttler of Business. 


In the solemnity with which this proposal has been declared, and 
the insistence with which it is advocated, we find an appropriate test 
of the capacity of our opponents to deal wisely with the problems of 
the day. | 

It is the function of law to define and punish wrongdoing, and 
not to throttle business. In the fields of industrial activity the need 
is that trade should be fair; that unjust discriminations and illegal 
allowances giving preferential access to markets should be pre- 
vented; that coercive combinations and improper practices to stifle 
competition should be dealt with regardless of individuals ; but that 
honest industry, obtaining success upon its merits, denying no just 
opportunity to its competitors, should not be put under prohibitions 
which mingle the innocent and the guilty in a common condemnation. 


The Republican party, in making intelligent progress to these — 


ends, will be under competent leadership. Ten years ago, in the 
discharge of his duties as a judge, without thought of political pref- 
erment, Mr. Taft in a luminous and comprehensive opinion laid 
down the principles governing the anti-trust act applied to improper 
combinations affecting interstate trade in industrial products. 


Opinion in Addyston Case. 


This was the famous Addyston Pipe and Steel Company case, in 


which the decision of the court below was reversed on Circuit Judge — 


—— 


23 

Taft’s opinion, and his decision afterward sustained by the Su- 
premte Court of the United States forms a landmark in our juris- 
prudence in the firm application of the law against improper indus- 
trial combinations. He has expressed himself clearly and emphat- 
ically, and his sincere desire to lead the people in intelligent warfare 
against every form of abuse in interstate trade which admits of 
legislative or administrative correction, may be trusted. 

The line of progress lies not in arbitrary action but in securing 
suitable publicity and supervision, and by accurate definition of 


wrongs and the infliction of proper punishment. The processes of 


justice may be slower and more laborious; but if we desert. the 
lines of soberness and fair play to get quick results through arbitrary 
interferences with trade, we shall find that such short cuts lead only 
to disaster. 


Guarantee of Bank Deposits. 


’ The plan proposed by the Democratic platform to provide for a 
guarantee of bank deposits is also open to serious objection. Mr. 
Taft promptly pointed out its weakness, and Mr. Bryan, despite his 
skill, has been unable effectively to answer his criticisms. The plan 
proposes to make the honest and prudent banks meet’ losses | for 
which they are in no way responsible. Mr. Bryan replies that all 
banking restrictions operate to curtail the freedom of the prudent 
because of the dangers arising from the abuses of others. But it 
is one thing to put a business under needed restrictions operating 
impartially and quite another to compel banks to make good specific 
losses not attributable in any way to their neglect or default. 

If this plan is a good one for the banks, why should it not be 
applied to insurance companies ? They are chartered by the State 
and are subject to its close supervision. Life insurance,-for exam- 


ple, is one of the essential safeguards of the home, and the interests 
of the policyholders cannot be too’ surely ‘protected. But what 


24 . 


would be thought of a proposition to compel the well-managed and 


conservative life insurance company to make good the losses witch © 


would be sustained by those insured in other companies that become 
insolvent? This would largely deprive the former of the just ben- 


efit of its own conservatism and well-earned reputation and make — 


easy the efforts of the unscrupulous. 


Encourager of Recklessness. 


The business of banking and insurance must be transacted under 
strict supervision; but those institutions which operate fairly anil 
prudently within the law should not suffer either from laxity of 
governmental supervision with regard to others or from impru- 
dences and frauds with which they have no concern. 

Mr. Bryan tries in vain to meet the criticisms that the plan pro- 
posed would encourage reckless and dishonest men, who would seek 
deposits on the faith of such an assurance. It must not be for- 
gotten that they do not conduct their enterprises with the expecta- 
tion of failure nor do they contemplate loss to the depositors; but 


deposits are the sinews of banking enterprise, and to the extent that 


such a guaranty would facilitate them in obtaining deposits, the op- 
portumty for the play of illegitimate purposes and the temptation 
to indulge such purposes, would obviously be increased. 


Guaranty Fund Errors, 


Mr. Bryan asks, “would it not be worth something to the stock- 


holder in peace of mind to know that the maximum of his loss © 


would be the value of his stock and the one hundred per cent. lia- 


bility, and that no depositor could lose anything?” It may be sup- . 


posed that there would be an added “peace of mind” on the part of 
managing officials. And this diminution of anxiety and of the sense 


of moral responsibility with regard to. deposits could not fail to have _ 
Ay 2 LEOUED EES TLE Cr STR aes ei Cheer yee os tees 


ets Mss 6 a 
w A 4 teak “Seis 5 Oee OL FES Ea 
<p Rha a ae a Aw ~ 


25 


its effect upon the prudent conduct of the business, and place a 
severer strain upon governmental supervision. The conditions un- 
der such a plan would inevitably tend to increase banking losses, 
however they might be made up. It may be added that the guaranty 

; fund, if it were established on a scale sufficiently large to ensure 

; the required protection, would furnish difficulties both with regard 

; to its investment and its availability in emergencies, 

; This proposed plan does not meet the demand for an elastic 
currency system through which the monetary wants of the country 
may be supplied. To supply such a system is an urgent necessity 
and its provision would obviate many of the dangers which have 
hitherto existed; but to make banks pay for losses they have not 
caused is to depart from proper principles and to encourage im- 


ae eee 


proper practices, 


i 


Interests of Labor. 


The Republican party has been solicitous of the rights of labor. 
Mr. Taft is clearly right when he says that “not since the beginning 
of the government has any other National administration done so 

_ much for the cause of labor by the enactment of remedial legislation 
as has Theodore Roosevelt and the Republican congresses elected to 
sit during his term of office.” And in support of this assertion he 
instances the re-enacted Employers’ Liability act, the Safety Ap- 
pliance acts, the Government Employees’ Compensation act; provi- 
sion for the investigation of mine disasters and legislation with re- 
spect to child labor in the District of Columbia. He has exposed 
the disingenuousness of the plank in the Democratic platform that 
“Injunctions should not be issued in any cases in which injunctions 
would not issue.if no industrial disputes were involved,”’—a Janus- 
faced proposal, meaning what you like. The Republican party has 
taken a reasonable attitude upon the injunction question. But more 
important to labor than any benefits which may reside in improved 
_ procedure in injunction cases is the opportunity to work. It profits . 


26 


little to a workingman to be told that he will be given the right to 
trial by jury in case he is guilty of contempt of court, if those who 


; 
| 
: 
promise it propose to enter upon a fatuous course of arbitrary inter- 4 
ference with trade. The prosperity of the workingman fundamen- | 
tally depends upon wise, conserving and upbuilding policies; and 
demands that efforts to reform industrial evils should be carefully 
conceived and prosecuted without endangering the stability of legit- 
imate business enterprise. 

And it is to the Republican party under its wise and experienced 
leadership that we must look in the present exigency for proper 
guidance to these ends. It is not a time for nostrums or for the — 


rule of a party which proposes them. 


Progress Must Be Sure. 


But while we freely criticise opposing programs and candidacies, 
we as freely recognize that no party has a monopoly of patriotic 
motive or of sincere endeavor to contribute to the welfare of the 
Nation. Divided into different groups, espousing different prin- 
ciples and advocating conflicting methods, our citizens are imbued 
with the same love of country and are inspired by the same 
devotion to its interests. We criticise each other without 
bitterness, realizing that in the contests of public discussion 
we find the surest protection of our institutions, and that we may 
confidently rely upon the final judgment of an intelligent and con-— 
scious electorate. I have an abiding confidence in the progress of — 
the people. Resistlessly they move forward to the attainment of — 
their goal. Every privilege maintained at the expense of the com- _ 
mon interest will finally go the way of despotism and ancient tyr- 
anny. But in our progress we must seek to avoid false steps. Ours 
must be the rule of reason, clear-eyed, calm, patient and steadfast; 
defeating the conspiracies of intrigue and escaping the pitfalls of - 
folly. Supreme must be the sense of justice, with its recognition 
oi our mutual dependence. We cannot change human nature or 


27 


bring about a state of society or of administration of government 
which does not reflect its failings. We rejoice in the measure of 
success which has already been attained, and we must resolve to de- 
vote ourselves more loyally than ever to the general good, counting 
our partisan opportunities and victories as gain only as they give 
us chance to serve our common country. 


29 


One vital, dominating fact confronts the Democratic party which 
no oratory, which no eloquence, which no rhetoric can obscure: 
BRYAN’S NOMINATION MEANS TAFT’S ELECTION. 


—New York World. 


The effect of the organization of labor, on the whole, has been 
highly beneficial in securing better terms of employment for the whole 
laboring community. I have not the slightest doubt, and no one who 
knows anything about the subject can doubt, that the existence of labor 
unions steadies wages. 


—William H. Taft, at Cooper Union, New York City. 


Principles are more enduring than men, more lasting than factions. 
—James S. Sherman. 


Instead of making a panic, the national policy of ending the law- 
lessness of corporations in interstate commerce, and of taking away 
their power of issuing, without supervision, stocks and bonds, will pro- 
duce a change in their management and remove one fruitful cause for 
loss of public confidence. .° 

—William H. Taft, to Merchants and Manufacturers’ Association, 
Boston, Mass, 


The Republican party was born because of a principle, and it has 
lived and grown because of principles too sound to be overthrown, too 
deep to be effaced. 

—James S. Sherman. 


Whenever the interstate commerce commission deems it important 
as an aid in fixing rates to determine what it would cost now to re- 
build any railroad, it has complete power to do so. 


—William H. Taft, at Columbus, Ohio, 


For an individual as for a party, a good record is a good platform to 
stand on. Fremont, Lincoln to McKinley and Roosevelt—what a record, 
and what an assurance for the future. 

—George B. Cortelyou, in an address to the New York State League 
_ of Republican Clubs, © 


30 : 

The Republican party is not only rich in men, but rich in-practical 
and beneficent principles—it is rich, too, in its record, in promises per- 
formed and pledges fulfilled, and so we are for party and party prin- 
ciples first and will acquiesce in the choice of the majority, rallying 


around the standard bearer who will carry us again to victory. 
—dJames §. Sherman. 


The exposure and punishment of public corruption is an honor to 

a nation, not a disgrace. The disgrace lies in toleration, not in correc 

tion. | . . 

—President Roosevelt’s annual message, second session Fifty-seventh © 
Congress. | 


Whenever the Government revenues need an increase or readjust- 
ment I should strongly favor the imposition of a graduated inheritance 
tax and, if necessary for the revenues, a change in the Constitution 


authorizing a Federal income tax. 
—William H. Taft, at Columbus, Ohio. 


The real evils connected with the trusts cannot be remedied by any 
change in the tariff laws. The trusts can be damaged by depriving 
them of the benefits of a protective tariff only on condition of dam- 
aging all their smaller competitors and all the wage-earners employed 
in the industry. : 

—President Roosevelt, at Cincinnati, September 20, 1902. 


The credit of the Government, the integrity of-its currency, and 
the inviolability of its obligations must be preserved. 
—President McKinley’s inaugural. 


Evils are to be suppressed by definite and practical measures—not 
by oratory or denunciation. vue 
—William H. Taft, at Greensboro, North Carolina. 


There has never been a Republican Administration which has not 
carried us forward. There has not been a Democratic Adminstration 
since the advent of the Republican party that has not carried us 
backward. | 


—James S. Sherman, 


3t 


The Democratic party has never had the courage, even when it 
had the opportunity, to enact into law its own promises. The Repwhli- 
can party on the contrary has not only promised but has fulfilled 
its pledges and accomplished even more than it pledged. That is why 
it has the confidence of the people, that is why it can again be in- 


trusted with legislation and administration for another term. That 


is why it should be, and I believe will be, successful again next 
November. 
—James 8. Sherman. 


The course of the Republican party since its organization in 
1856, and its real assumption of control in 1861, down to the present 
day, is remarkable for the foresight and ability of its leaders, for the 
discipline and solidarity of its members, for its efficiency and deep 
sense of responsibility, for the preservation and successful mainte- 
nance of the government, and for the greatest resourcefulness in 
meeting the various trying and difficult issues which a history of now 
a full half-century have presented for solution. 

William H. Taft, at Kansas City, Mo. 


Government must be honest, business dealing must be square with 
the principles of right and justice, the things that are pure and clean 
and of good repute must be exalted; and underlying the whole fabric 
of our institutions we must safeguard our schools and keep pure and 
undefiled, as the very foundation of our liberties, the American home, 

—Postmaster-General Cortelyou on Lincoln’s influence on 
American Life. 


When we regard the histery of the forty years through which the 
colored man of this country has been obliged to struggle, the progress 
which he has made, material and educational, is wonderful. 

—William H. Taft, at Kansas City, Mo. 


Assuredly it is unwise to change the policies which have worked 
so well and which are now working so well. 
—President Roosevelt’s speech accepting 1904 nomination. 


What I am anxious to emphasize is that there is a wide economic 
and business field in which the interests of the wealthiest capitalist 
and the humblest laborer are exactly the same. 

—wWilliam H, Taft, at Cooper Union, New York City, 


Speeches of State Chairman, Spencer B. Adams, _ i 
moar tion. A. Hy. Price, atthe Charlotte 
Convention, August, 26, 1908. 


CHAIRMAN ADAMS REVIEWS SPLENDID © ‘, i 
RECORD OF PARTY Nip 


Gentlemen of the Convention: is! 


I congratulate you on the personnel’of this plendid convention of 
loyal Republicans. The party has had many conventions in this state. = | 
However, I am sure it has never had a better one in its history than 
is assembled here today. We came to Charlotte, and we are glad we 
came. The welcome the patriotic citizens have already extended to 
us-is a guarantee that we will be well provided for while here. baie: 


REASONS FOR CONFIDENCE ee 


_ We have met here to adopt a platform of principles and nominate —_— 
a ticket, which we propose to elect on the third day of next November, 
and nominate electors whom we shall elect, and they inturn willearry 
out the wishes of the people of North Carolina by casting the electoral 
| vote of this state in the electoral college for President for the best 
equipped man living in America today, Hon. William H. Taft. 
We will elect our state ticket because we are right and our Demo- | 
eratic friends are wrong; because we will nominate aman for gdvernor 
_ who will not find it necessary to proclaim that he has no dynamite 
_ about his person in order to allay the fears of the business people of 
the state. 
ioe We will elect our ticket because we will nominate a man re Pe 
_ governor who believes in an honest ballot, who is in favor of seeing oe vi an 
ballot honestly counted, and will not declare in his opening speech — 
that he will be governor regardless of how the people vote, and that 
his opponents had as well place their ballots in a rural mail box as 
in the ballot box. 
__-We will elect our ticket because we will nominate a man for gover- 
‘eal who would not so invade the sanctity of te ballot box as to declan 


nore to carry elections than the leaders and tiers of his party. a 
We will elect our ticket because we will nominate a ticket iat 


We ail Bicoed. utes we itl nominate me wi 0 
discharge their duty, and every man and every ae 3 
and will feel that they will be amply protected. — 
--We will elect our ticket because the people of Not ( 
sick and tired of the leaders of the Democratic party, who } rr 
interest against another, and one class against the other. | 
We will elect our ticket because the Democrats, while “g 
Rito reduce taxation, have increased the same. 


a ‘change. 
REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES 


Our electors will be elected because we have adopted ‘ bia 
principles that declares : é iN ae ae 
1. For an equitable revision of the tariff, and for protee 
American industries, American brain and American labore a re 
2. For a sound currency, and that every dollar shall be as gi y 
as gold. be 


of the people. | . peat aan 
4: For the continued enforcement of the Sherman utr law, | 


foveva destroy unlawful combinations in this country. | 

5. For the continued enforcement of the law cigs rebates. 
discriminations. 

6. That declares its approval of the employers’ ability: ee 3 he 
passage and enforcement of the safety appliance statute, and a 
tional protection to engineers and firemen, the reduction of the hou 
of labor of trainmen and railway telegraphers, and for the enactme T 

_ of further laws that will give more adequate protection and be 
to the laboring man. a 
4. For the integrity of the courts and for the protection of 
liberty and property. _ 

8. For the convenience and upbuilding of the ‘Ameruete fa 
by giving him better mail facilities in the éstablishment of fre ‘0 
routes, good roads, ete. Ph aaa 

ae 9. For the protection of the American citizen, whether on 
or sea. 
be 10. For the speedy are tet of the Panama canal, which m 
so much to our own beloved southland. an 
ee il. The Republican party declares for these Drinaples an 
_ American people know that these principles will be enacted into law ‘ 
ses Our electors will be elected because we have a candidate whose 
_ word is his bond, who promises to see that the principles as a ov 
forth will be carried out, and whose pledge 1 is a guarantee tha 
be done. 
_ Our electors will be elected because the American ante Jn 
the Ns of this country has been written reoy, we i 


promise means a nonperformance. 

Our electors will be elected because we have a candidate for Presi- 
ae who is sane and conservative, who will see that the American 
farmer as well as capitalist and wage-earner, in fact, every one, has 


absolute justice; who has always been right and i 1s now right on every © 


important question that does now or ever did confront the American 
people. 

Our electors will be elected because our Democratic friends have 
a candidate who has always been wrong, is now wrong, and will ever be 
wrong on all governmental questions affecting the welfare of the 


American people. 


} MR. BRYAN’S RECORD 
The only reason now urged by our Democratic friends why Mr. 


Bryan should be elected President in the coming election is that he 
is now sane, and there is no harm in him. This is rather a severe 


indictment. I do not desire to do Mr. Bryan an injustice, as I regard 


_ him as a wonderful man. However, I do not agree with my Democratie 
friends that there is no harm in him, 


The first time we heard from Mr. Bryan was in 1890, when he was 


elected to Congress from the state of Nebraska. At that time he was 


= coinage of silver, without waiting for the consent of any other nation 


an advocate of free trade, and a believer in the free and unlimited 


at the heaven-born ratio of 16 to 1. 
In 1892, he was a candidate for re-election. Mr. Cleveland was the 


candidate of the Democratic party for President, and was elected that __ 
_ year. Yet, Mr. Bryan, your candidate, voted for General Weaver in 
that election, who was a greenback Republican, and ran on a platform 


_ declaring: 


fee or eovernment ownership of railroads. 

2. The free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. 
3. Inflation of the greenback currency. 

4. Government ownership of telegraphy and telephone lines. 

5. Initiative and referendum. 


This platform also said that the nation had been brought to the 
verge of moral political ruin, that legislatures, congresses and courts 
por were corrupt, that thé press was abaidined. and that there were only ~ 

two classes in the country, tramps and millionaires. “ 
; These are the principles that Mr. Bryan voted for in 1892, and : 
ese are the principles that he has advocated since that time. There e 
as been ne original with Mr. Bryan since then, except possibly = 


ne peter years, and that the ternies of ae Benubhe 
can party, enacted into law, have made this the greatest country OLE a he 
earth. . 3 

Our electors will be elected because the American people know that 
a Republican promise means a performance, and that a Democratic _ Beet 


I believe he sceved two terms in Congress, and while it 
one of the most eloquent champions of the Wilson-Gorm: 
law, the enactment of which brought ruin and destructio 
American people—this law, which brought on during Mr. Ch 
second term such a panic in this country. Business became sta 
values shrunk, and during the four years of Mr. Cleveland’s ac - 
tration, and under the operations of the Wilson-Gorman tariff law, 
which Mr. Bryan helped to pass, our bank clearings fell off $10, ,000,- 
000,000, our exports fell $229;000,000, and our imports increased 
$20, 000, 000. Many factories were running on half time and 
greater number were absolutely idle, wreck and ruin abounded. eve: 
where, fortunes were swept away in a night-time, men of capital 
hoarded their money, and the laborer was theo) out of employ | 
ment, and reduced to poverty. The products of the i 
reduced in price, corn bringing 30 and 40 cents per bushel, wheat 
40 and 50 cents per bushel, cotton 5 cents per pound, and honest m n 

walking the streets begging work, the merchant, the farmer and the 
wage-earner turning gray in a night, the national revenues failing t Og 
meet the expenses of the Government, the national treasury was empty, | 
and in a time of peace we borrowed on bonds $262,000,000. Three 
million men were thrown out of employment, and one-third of he 4 
railroads of this country were in the hands of receivers. : by 


hear but little of him. I presume he took to the woods, as did ce r 
Sera leaders who were responsible for the conditions then aah 


MORE OF MR. BRYAN, 


The next we hear of Mr. Bryan is in 1896, when he appeare 
the National Democratic Convention at Chicago, at the head of a 
contesting delegation. Business was stagnant, people out of employ- 
ment; it was the day of the agitator, and the National Demoe! 
Convention was his natural Mecea. is 

The sound money delegation from the State of Nebrasiea 
unseated, is my recollection, in that convention, and Mr. Bryan’ s 
silver Socialistic delegates from that state were seated. eee. 

When the platform was read in the convention, Mr. Bryan made 
speech, and in closing he said: ‘‘You shall not press down upon t e 
brow of labor this crown of thorns; you shall not erucify mankind w 
a cross of gold.’’ 

It is commonly known that this speech gave Mr. Bryan the no 
tion for the Presidency in 1896. From that hour the Democracy of 
twenty years ago passed away, and you have nothing if 0 
except a party of Bryan and a party of Bryanism. Since that. 2 
_ day, with possibly the exception of the national. convention in 

he has written the platform, he has said what should go in an 
should be left out, he has been its candidate and dictated its 


Pe oxi iron And pee with cee eepatenl He has dencutaies ei 


- those who would not subscribe to his theories as traitors, he has gone 
into state delegations and denounced members of the national COME Fi ot 


mittee as hirelings, and dictated as to who should be elected, he has — bee 


denounced the only President the Democratic party has had since 
the war as a bunco-steerer, and when, at the last national convention, 
a resolution was proposed by Judge Parker, the candidate of the 
Democratic party for President in 1904, offering condolence and 
sympathy to the bereaved wife and the fatherless children of the 


only President the Democratic party has elected since the war, this . 


resolution had to be sent to Mr. Bryan to be blue-penciled by him before 
it could be introduced in the national convention at Denver, and yet 
Mr. Bryan exclaims, ‘‘Shall the people rule?’’ 

He today declares in favor of publicity of contributions for ecam- 
paign purposes, when the books of his national committee, I am. 
informed, show that there were $288,000 contributed by the silver 
mine owners of this country to his campaign fund in 1896. I have 
never heard of Mr. Bryan making this public. 

As I said before, the Democratic party has departed from the 
principles of Jackson and Jefferson, and has degenerated into a party 
of Bryan and Bryanism. 

They always have what they call a paramount issue, and should 
be ealled ‘‘paramounters’’. 

In 1884 the paramount issue was free liquor. They declared for the 


~ total abolition of the internal revenue laws, and said that every man 


should have the right to do as he pleased ‘with his fruit and grain, 
making all the brandy and whiskey he wanted, and pay the govern- 


ment no tax. They elected a President upon a platform pledged to 


the abolition of the internal revenue law, and in one of his first mes- 


_ sages to Congress he said that the American people had no just cause 


- increased the tax upon the whiskey from 90 cents to $1.10 per gallon. 


_ therein enumerated. We were told that our protective tariff laws, under 


of complaint of the internal revenue laws, and soon thereafter they 


In 1892 free trade was the paramount issue. They elected their 
President again. They declared that protection is rohbery, and in 
the Wilson-Gorman tariff law, passed and above referred to, there was 
ample protection for iron and steel, and for a score of other articles 


_ which this country and all of its interests had grown and blossomed 
_ as the rose, was robbery; that the American people were being taxed 


from the cradle to the grave, by reason of the fact that there was a 


P tariff upon tombstones. 


In 1896 the paramount issue was free silver. They declared for 
af the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, without 
waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth. This was: 


om 


ae this Moses appeared upon the scene, who proposed to lead the 


~ Democracy out of the wilderness of despair into the promised land. 


_ They told you that the money of your fathers had been murdered, ee 
_ John ge was denounced as a traitor to his country, and they Sane 


oe ota ty 
“ 
bye é 


5 4 


La 


t the awful crimes of ’73. This was the time that soin’ 
ne appeared on the scene, where 1t was argued that w. 2a 
and silver rose and fell together, that you would never get bett 1 
prices for your cotton, your wheat or your corn until the passage 0! 
a bill authorizing the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio 
e a 8 told that if McKinley was elected there would not be 
_ sufficient money in the country to educate your children, or supply 
the wants and necessities of life. Mr. McKinley, however, was elected, 
confidence was restored and we became once more a happy and pros- 


perous people. 


PARAMOUNT ISSUES 


In 1900 they discovered another paramount issue, and this time it~ 
was imperialism. They told you if the great and good McKinley was ~ 
elected President, you would have a king in this country, and they 2 
actually attempted to make Aguinaldo, a very small Filipino insurgent, = 
a bigger man than Jefferson. Mr. McKinley was elected, and Mr. a 
Bryan and his theories again repudiated, the country continued to ~ 
srow and prosper under a Republican administration. ae 

In 1904, their paramount issue was trusts and monopolies. They ~ 
declared themselves trust-busters, and denounced the Republican party ~ 
as being in favor of trusts that were grinding the life out of the 7 
American people. : ee 

They nominated Judge Parker this time, and things were running ~~ 
along smoothly until some -one discovered that the only bill ever ~ 
introduced, and only statute-ever passed to prevent unlawful combi- ~ 
nations in this country, and to punish violations of the law in this ~ 
respect, was introduced in Congress by a Republican, passed by a ~ 
Republican Congress, and signed by a Republican President, and the 
only prosecution ever instituted under this law was by or under the ~ 
direction of a Republican attorney-general, and under a Republican — 
National Administration. ee 

It has been discovered further that this law, which is known as the 4 
Sherman Antitrust Law, was a dead letter, during the second adminis- Bee 
tration of Mr. Cleveland, and was declared unconstitutional by his 
attorney-general, Mr. Olney, and that this statute went finally to the ~ 
Supreme Court of the United States for a construction to test its con- a 
stitutionality, and every Republican member of that court declared the ae 
law constitutional, and every Democratic member of that court joined — 
in a dissenting opinion, declaring the law unconstitutional. ee 

The American people, realizing that the professions of the Demo- 
cratic party were false, again defeated them, and elected Mr. Roosevelt 
by an almost unprecedented majority. The country continued 0 grow 
and prosper under the wise policies of the Republican party... 

Tn 1908 their modern Moses again appears on the scene, denouncing _ 
every one who opposes him, and again writes the platform and dictates 
the candidates. Their paramount issue this time is ‘‘No harm in 

6 : 


again gia =" oy iad trusts and com- — 


NO HARM IN BRYAN | pecs 


e When: ee say there is no harm in Mr. Bryan, ask them when he _ 
evadisted the Socialistic doctrines he has been advocating all these _ 

s, government ownership of railroads, the free and unlimited 
nage of silver, inflation of greenback currency, government owner- 

p of telegraphy and telephone lines, initiative and referendum, 

yerialism, and denouncing the Republican doctrine of protection 
American industries, American labor and American brain. Has_ 
ven any evidence of repentance for the advocacy of all these 
s?”’ Not at all, but contends that he was right then and is 
j nt now. 

4 hey say he now has a good platform. My reply is, what does Mr. g BE 
yan care fora platform? He is the same Mr. Bryan as in 1892, 1896, x 
1 1900. His efforts have been in keeping with the wild doctrines 
s advocated, and the people of this country will never elect a man 
as President who has advocated the Socialistie doctrines he has, and 
gives no evidence of repentance. Seve 
_ When they talk about trusts, ask them what the Democratic party 

has ever done to break up trusts in this country, except to denounce es. 

trusts in their platform. They may say that they have had no oppor- 
_ tunity. If they do, point out to them the fact that the anti-trust law 
was on the statue books during Cleveland’s second administration. 
Have them point out to you the prosecutions they have instituted 
_under this law. They can show you none. 


REPUBLICANS ENFORCE THE LAWS 


- While the Republican party has enacted an anti-trust law, and a e 
ae number of suits and indictments have been instituted under this _ Ree 
law by a Republican administration, such as the suit brought by the eee 8 
government to prevent thirty-one railroad companies engaged in oe 
operating between Chicago and the Atlantic coast from forming them- 
“Ske into an association to control competitive traffic and fix rates. er 
Another suit brought, which resulted in breaking up the cast-iron 
pipe trust. Bi, 

Another suit, known as the Northern Security Company Suit, = eases 
Swhich resulted in preventing a merger of the Northern Pacifie and the 
Great Northern Railroad companies. * ) 
Another suit, brought to prevent an aalaeat combination of fee 


eee known as ‘the beef trust, preventing them from carrying on an = ‘ 
3 ae conspiracy, and to control the price of dressed meats. 


break up an unlawful combination oe that pany.) 
nother which resulted in breaking up the coal ae ists. 
“Another against the salt trust, and a number of others. Se 
Suits are almost daily being brought to break up the vario st 
in existence in this country, and indictments had whieh re obta ining 
the results sought for. ee 
While these great reform movements are going on, inaugu 
consummated by a Republican administration, that admini 
met by the stubborn opposition on the part of our Demoe 
to prevent the very things they denounce. — | 
The Democratic party should not succeed ey will : 
because it has no fixed set of principles, because it is for on 
today and for a totally different thing tomorrow, because 
a platform which they call principles, and violates every pl 
made in those platforms, becatse when they are in power de ey "uc 
and ruin come upon the American Pa as a pestilence, oe 


Fart 25 


The Republican party should succeed and will sane? ‘hea 
has been right on every important public question since the foun 
tion of this government, whether as the old Federal party, ae 
leadership of Alexander Hamilton, when it declared that the g : 
ment should be strong enough to protect every American Be 


the American industries was the cornerstone of. ‘American great 
or whether in the days of Abraham Lincoln, when it declared that ' 
republic could not endure half slave, half free ; or in the days of U ‘ 
Grant, when it dealt a staggering blow to the doctrine of Demoeré 

repudiation, by declaring that every government bond should be 
sacred as a tomb; or whether in the days of William McKinley, 

it declared that every honest laborer was worthy of his hire, a1 h 
receive an honest dollar for an honest day’s work; or ‘whethe 
days of Wilham H. Taft, when it declares that. labor and ea 
should receive absolute justice, and when it declares for the pre yt 
of American homes, American industries, American labor and 

ean brain. Be 


From a tariff speech delivered by Abraham Lincoln: 4 
know much about the tariff, but I do know this much : = le 
manufactured goods abroad we get the goods and the forei 3 
the money; when we buy the manufactured pelea at home, 
both the goods and the HO a : le Oe 


ee MR. PRICE S SPEECH 
4 ‘Mr. pics poe as follows: 


Gentlemen of the Convention: 


It is extremely appropriate that this convention of true and tried 
Paulos should assemble in the Queen City of North Carolina, in the 
historic county of Mecklenburg, for upon this hallowed eround first 
flamed the fires of national freedom; first blazed the light of national 
glory: [eesti x 
Therefore, it is well that upon this most auspicious occasion we 

should firmly resolve that on November 3rd, 1908, the govermental 
affairs of this great commonwealth be committed to the eare and 
custody of the Republivan party; that party of patriotism eternal as 
the stars. 

The people of North Carolina are to be congratulated upon the fact 
that the day of political intolerance, partizan prejudice and sectional 
bitterness is past, and that every citizen is permitted to freely advocate 
and follow his honest, conscientous political convictions. 

There was a time in this good state when politics was’a matter of 
sentiment, and then it was fashionable for the political ‘‘spellbinder’’ 
to preach the doctrine of hatred, bitterness, meanness and sectional 

narrowness. Such methods are now despicable to our intelligent 
electorate, and appeals must be made to the common sense, good judg- r 
ment and business sagacity of our people. ogee 

In other words, argument and reason must be substituted for abuse apie 

and denunciation. S 
: In approaching the discussion of national politics I shall trespass aps 
upon your patience for only a few moments, because it does not require es 
the wisdom of an Oriental philosopher to foresee with ease the result | 
of the coming national election. In the minds and hearts of the 
American people there is an abiding confidence that the national 
Republican party is best qualified to continue the administration of 
governmental affairs, and on November 3rd, 1908, the appreciative 
and grateful people of this Republic will go to the polls and say, | cba 
done, good and faithful servant.’’ 
by? - For twelve long years the destinies of the republic have been con- 
—fided to the keeping of the Republican party, and in that time more 
general progress has been made along right lines than ever before in| 
the history of our country. Has not the public conscience been aroused 
_as never before against evil of every sort and kind, and by that match- 
less, dauntless, fearless statesman, Theodore Roosevelt ? as Tot 
-rascality and villany met the stern condemnation of the law? Has 
“not corporate greed and predatory wealth suffered the penalty of ae 
wrong doing? And has not every vexatious problem been solved in the _ 
, interest of the general good? And above all has not this great party — 
- ae its glorious banner in the bande: of a man whose elecisem means — 


Le Taft. ‘Tis elec Gon means the ae 3 
- ealm conservative judgment, and that wisdom -obtainec 
judicial experience. and innate executive lanperament, Gan heme | 
of intricate, delicate problems of governmental administra 
What, on the other hand, do our opponents present fo 
sideration of an intelligent ‘American voter? Nothing m 
than the usual ‘‘Bryanitie’’ program. The democracy of 


of twenty years ago is but a lone wanderer upon our politica 
- What has been the ‘‘Bryanitie’’ program for the last twelve - 
Largely a superabundant indulgence in tiresome verbosity, a 
— eontinuous exploitation of radical political eccentricities. 
© For twelve long years we have been permitted to enjoy é 
“menu’’ of great “variety, and luxuriant growth, largely em inatl 
from the voluminous and versatile mind of the ‘‘peerless one.’ fe 
before have there been such acrobatic feats of political contort 
Never before have there been so many melancholy and lu 
prophecies and forebodings of evil. Never before has there 
much ‘‘denouncing, deploring and viewing with alarm.’’ 
before has there been so much twisting and turning, and back 
filling, and shifting and slipping and sliding, and promulga 


We have been bocnatuly served with that rare ‘‘16 to: 1 o 
and with that fatuous ‘‘will-o’-the-wisp’’, imperialism, and 
incomparable delicacy, the ‘‘initiative and referendum””’, and th 
political dessert, ‘* sovernment ownership: of the railroads”. 
“peerless one’ 


this fair land, just as it was in 1896, Hak due ‘‘a la Brae 
- mal- administration of President Cleveland. If so, why, I as 


why is it not the paramount issue in 1908? pene to Mr. 
the same conditions exist. 
If there was any one thing that caused a part of our asides 20] 
to follow blindly the political vagaries and fallacies of this dres 
doctrinaire, it was their belief and confidence in his honest 
and perfect sincerity, and lo! in this good year of our Lord, 
behold a sudden death-bed repentance and an abject renunciati 
unequivocal retraction, a lightening-like reformation, an. humi 
abandonment of solemn declarations, and an apparent. prem 1 
purpose to weave a political net in which to catch politica ; 
_ Of course, we have the same old methods of onto compl 


iticism, of. idle Renee ae of Fiber dissatisfaction, 
neral political debility and incurable political dyspepsia, but een 
onger the immortal ratio of 16 to 1, and no longer the indispensable jen 
‘initiative and referendum. ’ Cie 
WALL: not this variegated ‘“‘Bryanitic’’ program disgust he Ameri-— 
‘can people? Will the intelligent American citizen continue to be 
deluded? Are not these inconsistencies self- evident and apparent? 
What has become of this boasted honesty, this perfect candor, this yi 

ublime moral courage, this intrepid determination to be right rather ae 
han be President? Gone, gone glimmering down the valley of political = 
expediency. ‘‘Ye who listen with credulity to the whispers of fancy, 
and pursue with eagerness the phantoms of hope; who expect that age © 
will perform the promises of youth, and that the deficiencies of the 
present day will be supplied by the morrow’’ pin your faith to the 
antiquated propaganda of a twice discredited, disregarded, defeated 
Bryan. Why should I waste my breath an energy in seriously discuss- 
ing trusts, tariff, injunctions and financial problems when the Bryan- 
itic program upon these matters is based entirely upon theory, surmise, 
speculation and prophecy. 
_ The Republican administration is making an earnest effort to solve — 
these problems in a cool, calm, fair-minded, dispassionate manner. Westy 
It would be an act of self- stultification were I to be betrayed into a ae 
‘minute discussion of what purports to be the issues of this campaign, 
_ for there are no issues, and if any one can be induced to believe that 
there are national issues then they are embodied in the personality 
of the great and only ‘‘peerless one’ 

_ It ean be plainly seen that the earnest desire of the ‘‘ peerless one’’ 
is to direct the public mind from his ‘‘rare, rich and racy’’ record 
for the past, twelve years, by engaging us in a discussion of economic 
questions, and thereby pitch the political fight on his own selected — 
battle ground. Very smart of him, but we do not propose to walk 
into his parlor, said the spider to the fly, but to wage an aggressive a 
warfare upon the field of his political ‘‘summersaults’’. | 
- It is unnecessary for me to detain you longer by a discussion of 
state affairs, for the state chairman has elaborately presented them for — 
your consideration. I will, however, remark that the unsatisfactory — 
ndustrial condition prevailing i in our midst, is but the logical sequence 
and natural outcome of the demoralization caused by the continuing 
ppeals of political time-servers, to the prejudices that are easily 
aroused in the minds of the people, against capital of every sort and — 
kind. The politician who goes about the state stirring up envy, Jeal- oe 
sy and sullen hate, and preaches the doctrine of discontent, IS A 
_ public enemy and ought not to be tolerated. 
There is no natural antagonism between capital and labor, because i 
heir interests are mutual and reciprocal. It is a recoonized fact, — 
itted by the capitalist, that the welfare of the country depends — 
n the happiness and prosperity of the laborer. ‘‘For the labor is — 
- the country, and the COHUMTY is labor, and there are no classes.’’? Does 


i i : 


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any. sane man ‘suppose fo - one 
| resulting in extreme legislation agai t 1 
the first session of our general assembl; 
- than the making of political capital. — 
- this harmful strife? a 
We have had a large expenditire of Hea Ged ine 
in extra session our general assembly to undo. the wrongs 0 
| session ; an expensive, bitter, foolish fight. in the courts, 


Hatters situation with all ini interesta,: 
of affairs is a menace to the public welfare and the soone 
government is placed in the hands of careful, cautious, 
business men, the better it will be for all concerned. - nek 

Let us nominate and elect good, able, fair, honest. men, 
let us have quiet and peace. ‘ 


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